As the manufacturing sector remains under unusual scrutiny entering 2024, asset-intensive industries will likely slow their roll-out of new technologies, according to a forecast from consulting firm Forrester Research Inc.
As part of that increased scrutiny, subsidies and political clout are being lavishly spread in a race to attract and retain strategic manufacturing capacity, the report said. However, dramatic headlines about AI’s transformational power, the imminent automation of every job, or the wholesale shift of factories from one side of the planet to the other rarely stand up to scrutiny in the manufacturing sector. That’s because sunk investment in industrial equipment with lifespans typically measured in decades prevents the rapid pivots sometimes seen in less asset-intensive businesses, Forrester said.
Against that backdrop, manufacturing companies in 2024 will probably recalibrate some of the most breathless promises of cutting-edge technologies. “Digital innovation is alive and well in the manufacturing sector, but it has to be measured and thoughtful. Innovations must deliver value in the harshest conditions, and they must work for — and be accepted by — an ageing and over-stretched workforce that will be skeptical of the latest unreliable gadget parachuted in from some remote innovation lab,” Forrester researchers said.
Accordingly, Forrester is forecasting a slowdown in the deployment of four specific technologies in the manufacturing sector.
First, over 75% of industrial metaverse projects will rebrand to survive “the metaverse winter.” The mere phrase “industrial metaverse” was an opportunistic rebranding of a group of existing technologies that looks increasingly unwise: Close association with the metaverse risks becoming the kiss of death to otherwise exemplary industrial projects. To keep existing budgets or attract new investment in 2024, technology leaders in manufacturing will stop talking about the industrial metaverse and return to emphasizing its building blocks, such as: augmented reality, the internet of things, and digital twins.
Second, generative AI will not transform the business of manufacturing in 2024. Manufacturing leaders are intrigued by generative AI (genAI), but they’re moving more cautiously than their peers in other industries. That’s because workflows require complex interactions between a set of ecosystem partners and a range of expensive machines. And the impact of mistakes, or genAI’s so-called “hallucinations,” on physical work is prohibitively high with lost productivity, damaged machines, or even injury.
Third, among Fortune 500 manufacturers, 30% will dilute plans to bring manufacturing home, also known as re-shoring. Government subsidies, political pressure, and painful lessons learned during recent supply chain disruptions encouraged many western manufacturers to make bold announcements about bringing jobs back from the offshore locations to which they were sent decades ago. But early movers have found it harder than expected because: 1) complex processes weren’t sufficiently well understood to automate smoothly; 2) individual software and hardware solutions didn’t scale as expected; 3) achieving interoperability between solutions from different vendors was rarely straightforward; and 4) finding and training locals to operate these tools was difficult.
Fourth, autonomous vehicle investors seek quicker returns in controlled environments. Elon Musk promised self-driving cars “within three years” in 2013, and we’re still waiting. Hurdles like real technical challenges, regulatory caution, legislative territoriality, and consumer diffidence mean that self-driving vehicles on every public road are still some way off. But automated vehicles have been transforming more controlled environments in warehouses, factories, and ports for years.
Transportation leaders, policymakers, administrators, and researchers from government, industry, and academia will gather January 5-9, 2025, in Washington, D.C., for the 104th annual meeting of the Transportation Research Board (TRB), sponsored by the National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine.
The meeting’s program covers all modes of transportation and features hundreds of sessions and workshops on various transportation-related topics. The theme for this year’s conference is how innovations in technology, business, and processes help support transportation’s role in a thriving society, according to TRB.
Speakers at this year’s event include TRB executives as well as federal, state, and international government leaders and policymakers. Discussions on zero-emissions freight, supply chain shifts, automated vehicles and roadway digital infrastructure, National Transportation Safety Board investigations, and other topics will take place throughout the week, according to TRB. Held every January in Washington, D.C., the TRB Annual Meeting attracts more than 13,000 attendees from throughout the United States and around the world.
Congestion on U.S. highways is costing the trucking industry big, according to research from the American Transportation Research Institute (ATRI), released today.
The group found that traffic congestion on U.S. highways added $108.8 billion in costs to the trucking industry in 2022, a record high. The information comes from ATRI’s Cost of Congestion study, which is part of the organization’s ongoing highway performance measurement research.
Total hours of congestion fell slightly compared to 2021 due to softening freight market conditions, but the cost of operating a truck increased at a much higher rate, according to the research. As a result, the overall cost of congestion increased by 15% year-over-year—a level equivalent to more than 430,000 commercial truck drivers sitting idle for one work year and an average cost of $7,588 for every registered combination truck.
The analysis also identified metropolitan delays and related impacts, showing that the top 10 most-congested states each experienced added costs of more than $8 billion. That list was led by Texas, at $9.17 billion in added costs; California, at $8.77 billion; and Florida, $8.44 billion. Rounding out the top 10 list were New York, Georgia, New Jersey, Illinois, Pennsylvania, Louisiana, and Tennessee. Combined, the top 10 states account for more than half of the trucking industry’s congestion costs nationwide—52%, according to the research.
The metro areas with the highest congestion costs include New York City, $6.68 billion; Miami, $3.2 billion; and Chicago, $3.14 billion.
ATRI’s analysis also found that the trucking industry wasted more than 6.4 billion gallons of diesel fuel in 2022 due to congestion, resulting in additional fuel costs of $32.1 billion.
ATRI used a combination of data sources, including its truck GPS database and Operational Costs study benchmarks, to calculate the impacts of trucking delays on major U.S. roadways.
There’s a photo from 1971 that John Kent, professor of supply chain management at the University of Arkansas, likes to show. It’s of a shaggy-haired 18-year-old named Glenn Cowan grinning at three-time world table tennis champion Zhuang Zedong, while holding a silk tapestry Zhuang had just given him. Cowan was a member of the U.S. table tennis team who participated in the 1971 World Table Tennis Championships in Nagoya, Japan. Story has it that one morning, he overslept and missed his bus to the tournament and had to hitch a ride with the Chinese national team and met and connected with Zhuang.
Cowan and Zhuang’s interaction led to an invitation for the U.S. team to visit China. At the time, the two countries were just beginning to emerge from a 20-year period of decidedly frosty relations, strict travel bans, and trade restrictions. The highly publicized trip signaled a willingness on both sides to renew relations and launched the term “pingpong diplomacy.”
Kent, who is a senior fellow at the George H. W. Bush Foundation for U.S.-China Relations, believes the photograph is a good reminder that some 50-odd years ago, the economies of the United States and China were not as tightly interwoven as they are today. At the time, the Nixon administration was looking to form closer political and economic ties between the two countries in hopes of reducing chances of future conflict (and to weaken alliances among Communist countries).
The signals coming out of Washington and Beijing are now, of course, much different than they were in the early 1970s. Instead of advocating for better relations, political rhetoric focuses on the need for the U.S. to “decouple” from China. Both Republicans and Democrats have warned that the U.S. economy is too dependent on goods manufactured in China. They see this dependency as a threat to economic strength, American jobs, supply chain resiliency, and national security.
Supply chain professionals, however, know that extricating ourselves from our reliance on Chinese manufacturing is easier said than done. Many pundits push for a “China + 1” strategy, where companies diversify their manufacturing and sourcing options beyond China. But in reality, that “plus one” is often a Chinese company operating in a different country or a non-Chinese manufacturer that is still heavily dependent on material or subcomponents made in China.
This is the problem when supply chain decisions are made on a global scale without input from supply chain professionals. In an article in the Arkansas Democrat-Gazette, Kent argues that, “The discussions on supply chains mainly take place between government officials who typically bring many other competing issues and agendas to the table. Corporate entities—the individuals and companies directly impacted by supply chains—tend to be under-represented in the conversation.”
Kent is a proponent of what he calls “supply chain diplomacy,” where experts from academia and industry from the U.S. and China work collaboratively to create better, more efficient global supply chains. Take, for example, the “Peace Beans” project that Kent is involved with. This project, jointly formed by Zhejiang University and the Bush China Foundation, proposes balancing supply chains by exporting soybeans from Arkansas to tofu producers in China’s Yunnan province, and, in return, importing coffee beans grown in Yunnan to coffee roasters in Arkansas. Kent believes the operation could even use the same transportation equipment.
The benefits of working collaboratively—instead of continuing to build friction in the supply chain through tariffs and adversarial relationships—are numerous, according to Kent and his colleagues. They believe it would be much better if the two major world economies worked together on issues like global inflation, climate change, and artificial intelligence.
And such relations could play a significant role in strengthening world peace, particularly in light of ongoing tensions over Taiwan. Because, as Kent writes, “The 19th-century idea that ‘When goods don’t cross borders, soldiers will’ is as true today as ever. Perhaps more so.”
Hyster-Yale Materials Handling today announced its plans to fulfill the domestic manufacturing requirements of the Build America, Buy America (BABA) Act for certain portions of its lineup of forklift trucks and container handling equipment.
That means the Greenville, North Carolina-based company now plans to expand its existing American manufacturing with a targeted set of high-capacity models, including electric options, that align with the needs of infrastructure projects subject to BABA requirements. The company’s plans include determining the optimal production location in the United States, strategically expanding sourcing agreements to meet local material requirements, and further developing electric power options for high-capacity equipment.
As a part of the 2021 Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act, the BABA Act aims to increase the use of American-made materials in federally funded infrastructure projects across the U.S., Hyster-Yale says. It was enacted as part of a broader effort to boost domestic manufacturing and economic growth, and mandates that federal dollars allocated to infrastructure – such as roads, bridges, ports and public transit systems – must prioritize materials produced in the USA, including critical items like steel, iron and various construction materials.
Hyster-Yale’s footprint in the U.S. is spread across 10 locations, including three manufacturing facilities.
“Our leadership is fully invested in meeting the needs of businesses that require BABA-compliant material handling solutions,” Tony Salgado, Hyster-Yale’s chief operating officer, said in a release. “We are working to partner with our key domestic suppliers, as well as identifying how best to leverage our own American manufacturing footprint to deliver a competitive solution for our customers and stakeholders. But beyond mere compliance, and in line with the many areas of our business where we are evolving to better support our customers, our commitment remains steadfast. We are dedicated to delivering industry-leading standards in design, durability and performance — qualities that have become synonymous with our brands worldwide and that our customers have come to rely on and expect.”
In a separate move, the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) also gave its approval for the state to advance its Heavy-Duty Omnibus Rule, which is crafted to significantly reduce smog-forming nitrogen oxide (NOx) emissions from new heavy-duty, diesel-powered trucks.
Both rules are intended to deliver health benefits to California citizens affected by vehicle pollution, according to the environmental group Earthjustice. If the state gets federal approval for the final steps to become law, the rules mean that cars on the road in California will largely be zero-emissions a generation from now in the 2050s, accounting for the average vehicle lifespan of vehicles with internal combustion engine (ICE) power sold before that 2035 date.
“This might read like checking a bureaucratic box, but EPA’s approval is a critical step forward in protecting our lungs from pollution and our wallets from the expenses of combustion fuels,” Paul Cort, director of Earthjustice’s Right To Zero campaign, said in a release. “The gradual shift in car sales to zero-emissions models will cut smog and household costs while growing California’s clean energy workforce. Cutting truck pollution will help clear our skies of smog. EPA should now approve the remaining authorization requests from California to allow the state to clean its air and protect its residents.”
However, the truck drivers' industry group Owner-Operator Independent Drivers Association (OOIDA) pushed back against the federal decision allowing the Omnibus Low-NOx rule to advance. "The Omnibus Low-NOx waiver for California calls into question the policymaking process under the Biden administration's EPA. Purposefully injecting uncertainty into a $588 billion American industry is bad for our economy and makes no meaningful progress towards purported environmental goals," (OOIDA) President Todd Spencer said in a release. "EPA's credibility outside of radical environmental circles would have been better served by working with regulated industries rather than ramming through last-minute special interest favors. We look forward to working with the Trump administration's EPA in good faith towards achievable environmental outcomes.”
Editor's note:This article was revised on December 18 to add reaction from OOIDA.