Technology updates, forced-labor prevention high on Customs’ agenda for 2022
At a recent industry conference, two high-level U.S. Customs and Border Protection officials outlined some of the agency’s priorities for the coming year.
Contributing Editor Toby Gooley is a writer and editor specializing in supply chain, logistics, and material handling, and a lecturer at MIT's Center for Transportation & Logistics. She previously was Senior Editor at DC VELOCITY and Editor of DCV's sister publication, CSCMP's Supply Chain Quarterly. Prior to joining AGiLE Business Media in 2007, she spent 20 years at Logistics Management magazine as Managing Editor and Senior Editor covering international trade and transportation. Prior to that she was an export traffic manager for 10 years. She holds a B.A. in Asian Studies from Cornell University.
In a wide-ranging discussion at the Coalition of New England Companies for Trade (CONECT) annual Trade & Transportation Conference, held in Newport, R.I., in December, two high-level U.S. Customs and Border Protection (CBP) officials outlined some of the agency’s priorities for 2022. AnnMarie R. Highsmith, Executive Assistant Commissioner, Office of Trade, and William A. Ferrara, Executive Assistant Commissioner, Office of Field Operations, largely focused their remarks on two areas that have a deep impact on U.S. importers’ day-to-day business: trade facilitation—moving goods through complex, federally established import processes—and enforcement—ensuring compliance with trade-related laws, regulations, and security protocols.
Highlights from their unusually informal, Q&A-style session included six major topics:
Forced-labor prevention: In 2021, CBP executed a record number of forced labor actions, including issuing “withhold release orders” (WROs) to seize goods made with forced labor and prevent them from entering U.S. commerce. Forced-labor prevention is a high priority for both Congress and CBP, and traders can expect more such actions in 2022, Highsmith said. She and Ferrara both emphasized the need to stop the human suffering involved and urged companies to share information about suspected violations that CBP would then investigate. CBP can also help importers know the right questions to ask their suppliers about labor, Ferrara said. Highsmith, meanwhile, noted that importers who are not certain whether their goods would be subject to seizure can request a ruling through the same process used to obtain duty- and compliance-related decisions.
CTPAT updates: “We haven’t made the progress we should have” with participation in and compliance with the Customs-Trade Partnership Against Terrorism (CTPAT) cargo security program, and “it’s time for a little bit of a facelift,” Ferrara said. While some things are non-negotiable, an “honest conversation” between CBP and stakeholders should lead to improvements in program benefits, a longstanding concern for participants. In 2022, CBP will release a CTPAT app that will make it easier and faster to find information about program details, he said.
Technology adoption: CBP continues to seek ways to more effectively select and screen cargo for physical inspection, Ferrara said. He advocated wider adoption of non-intrusive inspection technology, where containers are screened using x-ray and similar technology, and only physically opened if an anomaly is detected. One way to facilitate and speed the process, he noted, is to have inspectors in a central location remotely viewing images from multiple ports of entry. Non-intrusive inspection “is a game-changer if we use it properly,” he said. In the future it will likely be incorporated into normal processing to speed transactions, improve security, and reduce risks for CBP personnel.
Communication with the trade: The current charter for the Commercial Customs Operations Advisory Committee (COAC), a group of customs and trade experts who advise on proposed changes to regulations, policies, or practices and recommend improvements to CBP’s commercial operations, has expired and the group is temporarily suspended. Highsmith said that proposed members’ names are now undergoing a lengthy approval process and meetings may start in early 2022.
Modernizing processes, security, and information systems: CBP’s 21st Century Customs Framework (21 CCF) is a plan to modernize processes, technology, security, and enforcement in light of a business, security, and economic environment that has changed dramatically in recent years. The framework aims to better address such comparatively new and emerging areas as e-commerce, process automation, data sharing, and forced labor, among many others. One priority for 2022 will be to develop a plan for “what ACE 2.0 should look like,” Highsmith said, referring to the Automated Commercial Environment system that, after three decades, requires significant updates. Blockchain, interoperability between computer systems, and digital twin technology are all under discussion, she said. Stakeholder feedback is key, and CBP will set up additional topic-specific working groups in 2022.
Highsmith also commented on the Customs Modernization Act of 2021 proposed by Sen. Bill Cassidy of Louisiana, which reflects some of the 21 CCF’s objectives. The bill would give CBP more authority to collect and utilize trade data; increase the use of electronic documentation; expand recordkeeping requirements; revise how CBP applies liability, penalties, and seizures; and authorize other changes in enforcement procedures. Highsmith said that while CBP has been “providing technical assistance on the language” in the bill, it is “not fully baked,” and Cassidy is actively seeking stakeholders’ input. Audience members asserted that the bill focuses heavily on tightening enforcement and is “light on trade facilitation.” Highsmith responded that the bill “is a good start,” and emphasized the importance of providing feedback: “We won’t get what we need unless we come up with something we can all agree on.”
Priority trade initiatives: CBP will continue to devote enforcement resources to seven areas it has identified as representing high-risk areas that can cause significant revenue loss, harm the U.S. economy, or threaten health and safety. These areas include agriculture and quotas, antidumping and countervailing duties, import product safety, intellectual property rights, revenue and duty collection, textiles and apparel, and trade agreements.
Congestion on U.S. highways is costing the trucking industry big, according to research from the American Transportation Research Institute (ATRI), released today.
The group found that traffic congestion on U.S. highways added $108.8 billion in costs to the trucking industry in 2022, a record high. The information comes from ATRI’s Cost of Congestion study, which is part of the organization’s ongoing highway performance measurement research.
Total hours of congestion fell slightly compared to 2021 due to softening freight market conditions, but the cost of operating a truck increased at a much higher rate, according to the research. As a result, the overall cost of congestion increased by 15% year-over-year—a level equivalent to more than 430,000 commercial truck drivers sitting idle for one work year and an average cost of $7,588 for every registered combination truck.
The analysis also identified metropolitan delays and related impacts, showing that the top 10 most-congested states each experienced added costs of more than $8 billion. That list was led by Texas, at $9.17 billion in added costs; California, at $8.77 billion; and Florida, $8.44 billion. Rounding out the top 10 list were New York, Georgia, New Jersey, Illinois, Pennsylvania, Louisiana, and Tennessee. Combined, the top 10 states account for more than half of the trucking industry’s congestion costs nationwide—52%, according to the research.
The metro areas with the highest congestion costs include New York City, $6.68 billion; Miami, $3.2 billion; and Chicago, $3.14 billion.
ATRI’s analysis also found that the trucking industry wasted more than 6.4 billion gallons of diesel fuel in 2022 due to congestion, resulting in additional fuel costs of $32.1 billion.
ATRI used a combination of data sources, including its truck GPS database and Operational Costs study benchmarks, to calculate the impacts of trucking delays on major U.S. roadways.
There’s a photo from 1971 that John Kent, professor of supply chain management at the University of Arkansas, likes to show. It’s of a shaggy-haired 18-year-old named Glenn Cowan grinning at three-time world table tennis champion Zhuang Zedong, while holding a silk tapestry Zhuang had just given him. Cowan was a member of the U.S. table tennis team who participated in the 1971 World Table Tennis Championships in Nagoya, Japan. Story has it that one morning, he overslept and missed his bus to the tournament and had to hitch a ride with the Chinese national team and met and connected with Zhuang.
Cowan and Zhuang’s interaction led to an invitation for the U.S. team to visit China. At the time, the two countries were just beginning to emerge from a 20-year period of decidedly frosty relations, strict travel bans, and trade restrictions. The highly publicized trip signaled a willingness on both sides to renew relations and launched the term “pingpong diplomacy.”
Kent, who is a senior fellow at the George H. W. Bush Foundation for U.S.-China Relations, believes the photograph is a good reminder that some 50-odd years ago, the economies of the United States and China were not as tightly interwoven as they are today. At the time, the Nixon administration was looking to form closer political and economic ties between the two countries in hopes of reducing chances of future conflict (and to weaken alliances among Communist countries).
The signals coming out of Washington and Beijing are now, of course, much different than they were in the early 1970s. Instead of advocating for better relations, political rhetoric focuses on the need for the U.S. to “decouple” from China. Both Republicans and Democrats have warned that the U.S. economy is too dependent on goods manufactured in China. They see this dependency as a threat to economic strength, American jobs, supply chain resiliency, and national security.
Supply chain professionals, however, know that extricating ourselves from our reliance on Chinese manufacturing is easier said than done. Many pundits push for a “China + 1” strategy, where companies diversify their manufacturing and sourcing options beyond China. But in reality, that “plus one” is often a Chinese company operating in a different country or a non-Chinese manufacturer that is still heavily dependent on material or subcomponents made in China.
This is the problem when supply chain decisions are made on a global scale without input from supply chain professionals. In an article in the Arkansas Democrat-Gazette, Kent argues that, “The discussions on supply chains mainly take place between government officials who typically bring many other competing issues and agendas to the table. Corporate entities—the individuals and companies directly impacted by supply chains—tend to be under-represented in the conversation.”
Kent is a proponent of what he calls “supply chain diplomacy,” where experts from academia and industry from the U.S. and China work collaboratively to create better, more efficient global supply chains. Take, for example, the “Peace Beans” project that Kent is involved with. This project, jointly formed by Zhejiang University and the Bush China Foundation, proposes balancing supply chains by exporting soybeans from Arkansas to tofu producers in China’s Yunnan province, and, in return, importing coffee beans grown in Yunnan to coffee roasters in Arkansas. Kent believes the operation could even use the same transportation equipment.
The benefits of working collaboratively—instead of continuing to build friction in the supply chain through tariffs and adversarial relationships—are numerous, according to Kent and his colleagues. They believe it would be much better if the two major world economies worked together on issues like global inflation, climate change, and artificial intelligence.
And such relations could play a significant role in strengthening world peace, particularly in light of ongoing tensions over Taiwan. Because, as Kent writes, “The 19th-century idea that ‘When goods don’t cross borders, soldiers will’ is as true today as ever. Perhaps more so.”
Hyster-Yale Materials Handling today announced its plans to fulfill the domestic manufacturing requirements of the Build America, Buy America (BABA) Act for certain portions of its lineup of forklift trucks and container handling equipment.
That means the Greenville, North Carolina-based company now plans to expand its existing American manufacturing with a targeted set of high-capacity models, including electric options, that align with the needs of infrastructure projects subject to BABA requirements. The company’s plans include determining the optimal production location in the United States, strategically expanding sourcing agreements to meet local material requirements, and further developing electric power options for high-capacity equipment.
As a part of the 2021 Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act, the BABA Act aims to increase the use of American-made materials in federally funded infrastructure projects across the U.S., Hyster-Yale says. It was enacted as part of a broader effort to boost domestic manufacturing and economic growth, and mandates that federal dollars allocated to infrastructure – such as roads, bridges, ports and public transit systems – must prioritize materials produced in the USA, including critical items like steel, iron and various construction materials.
Hyster-Yale’s footprint in the U.S. is spread across 10 locations, including three manufacturing facilities.
“Our leadership is fully invested in meeting the needs of businesses that require BABA-compliant material handling solutions,” Tony Salgado, Hyster-Yale’s chief operating officer, said in a release. “We are working to partner with our key domestic suppliers, as well as identifying how best to leverage our own American manufacturing footprint to deliver a competitive solution for our customers and stakeholders. But beyond mere compliance, and in line with the many areas of our business where we are evolving to better support our customers, our commitment remains steadfast. We are dedicated to delivering industry-leading standards in design, durability and performance — qualities that have become synonymous with our brands worldwide and that our customers have come to rely on and expect.”
In a separate move, the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) also gave its approval for the state to advance its Heavy-Duty Omnibus Rule, which is crafted to significantly reduce smog-forming nitrogen oxide (NOx) emissions from new heavy-duty, diesel-powered trucks.
Both rules are intended to deliver health benefits to California citizens affected by vehicle pollution, according to the environmental group Earthjustice. If the state gets federal approval for the final steps to become law, the rules mean that cars on the road in California will largely be zero-emissions a generation from now in the 2050s, accounting for the average vehicle lifespan of vehicles with internal combustion engine (ICE) power sold before that 2035 date.
“This might read like checking a bureaucratic box, but EPA’s approval is a critical step forward in protecting our lungs from pollution and our wallets from the expenses of combustion fuels,” Paul Cort, director of Earthjustice’s Right To Zero campaign, said in a release. “The gradual shift in car sales to zero-emissions models will cut smog and household costs while growing California’s clean energy workforce. Cutting truck pollution will help clear our skies of smog. EPA should now approve the remaining authorization requests from California to allow the state to clean its air and protect its residents.”
However, the truck drivers' industry group Owner-Operator Independent Drivers Association (OOIDA) pushed back against the federal decision allowing the Omnibus Low-NOx rule to advance. "The Omnibus Low-NOx waiver for California calls into question the policymaking process under the Biden administration's EPA. Purposefully injecting uncertainty into a $588 billion American industry is bad for our economy and makes no meaningful progress towards purported environmental goals," (OOIDA) President Todd Spencer said in a release. "EPA's credibility outside of radical environmental circles would have been better served by working with regulated industries rather than ramming through last-minute special interest favors. We look forward to working with the Trump administration's EPA in good faith towards achievable environmental outcomes.”
Editor's note:This article was revised on December 18 to add reaction from OOIDA.
Global trade will see a moderate rebound in 2025, likely growing by 3.6% in volume terms, helped by companies restocking and households renewing purchases of durable goods while reducing spending on services, according to a forecast from trade credit insurer Allianz Trade.
The end of the year for 2024 will also likely be supported by companies rushing to ship goods in anticipation of the higher tariffs likely to be imposed by the coming Trump administration, and other potential disruptions in the coming quarters, the report said.
However, that tailwind for global trade will likely shift to a headwind once the effects of a renewed but contained trade war are felt from the second half of 2025 and in full in 2026. As a result, Allianz Trade has throttled back its predictions, saying that global trade in volume will grow by 2.8% in 2025 (reduced by 0.2 percentage points vs. its previous forecast) and 2.3% in 2026 (reduced by 0.5 percentage points).
The same logic applies to Allianz Trade’s forecast for export prices in U.S. dollars, which the firm has now revised downward to predict growth reaching 2.3% in 2025 (reduced by 1.7 percentage points) and 4.1% in 2026 (reduced by 0.8 percentage points).
In the meantime, the rush to frontload imports into the U.S. is giving freight carriers an early Christmas present. According to Allianz Trade, data released last week showed Chinese exports rising by a robust 6.7% y/y in November. And imports of some consumer goods that have been threatened with a likely 25% tariff under the new Trump administration have outperformed even more, growing by nearly 20% y/y on average between July and September.