Mark Solomon joined DC VELOCITY as senior editor in August 2008, and was promoted to his current position on January 1, 2015. He has spent more than 30 years in the transportation, logistics and supply chain management fields as a journalist and public relations professional. From 1989 to 1994, he worked in Washington as a reporter for the Journal of Commerce, covering the aviation and trucking industries, the Department of Transportation, Congress and the U.S. Supreme Court. Prior to that, he worked for Traffic World for seven years in a similar role. From 1994 to 2008, Mr. Solomon ran Media-Based Solutions, a public relations firm based in Atlanta. He graduated in 1978 with a B.A. in journalism from The American University in Washington, D.C.
For the past six years, U.S. truckload shippers have defied the numerous forecasts of soaring contract freight rates to keep control of the pricing reins. However, given the cross-currents buffeting the truckload market, few will be shocked if the contract rate segment—which lags the "spot," or non-contract market, by 3 to 6 months—catches up big time by next spring, if not sooner.
That's because what lies ahead—namely the Dec. 18 deadline for all post-2000 fleets to be equipped with electronic logging devices (ELDs) in their cabs—will collide with what has already occurred—specifically, last April's implementation of safe-transport provisions of federal food-safety rules—to create what some observers have called the tightest cycle for truckload capacity since an 18-month period that began in mid-2003. Then, the U.S. economy grew strongly as it emerged from the 2000-02 recession and the uncertainty surrounding the Iraq war, while capacity was subsequently hit by the 2004 implementation of the federal government's driver hours-of-service rules.
So far this year, most of the action has been in the spot market. There, demand and pricing have remained firm into August and have held up through periods of seasonal weakness, such as in July, when spot-market activity typically falls off. The number of available loads rose 2 percent in the last week of July, according to DAT Solutions, a load board provider that closely tracks the spot market. In the dry van segment, where most truck freight moves, the top 100 lanes set all-time volume records during the week, DAT said. In June, total loads were up a remarkable 90 percent from June 2016 levels, DAT said.
The spot market's surge has prompted carriers to move more of their fleets away from contract hauls, much to the chagrin of shippers and brokers, which find themselves increasingly going deeper down their routing guides to find a carrier that will haul under contract. One broker said he's heard first-hand loud complaints from large shippers about their carriers abandoning them in favor of spot-market lucre.
IVE ME LOGS AND FOOD
What's causing this? There has been exhaustive speculation surrounding the projected capacity decline triggered by the ELD implementation deadline. By several estimates, about half of all trucks—overwhelmingly run by owner-operators—are not in compliance with the ELD mandate. In a recent presentation, Cherry Hill, N.J.-based Tucker Company Worldwide Inc., a large freight broker, said the mandate will reduce total truck miles by 10 to 20 percent, as drivers who in the past may have fudged paper logs to operate longer-than-allowed hours either cut back their miles or park their rigs altogether.
With a 10-percent mileage cut at a 50-percent non-compliance rate, about 5 percent of truck capacity would disappear, according to Tucker's projections. At a 20-percent mileage cut, the capacity evaporation rate rises to 10 percent, it forecast. Such a capacity crunch would be "historic," said Tucker, noting capacity was still relatively abundant when the economy rebounded in the third quarter of 2003, only to tighten when the hours-of-service rules went into effect in 2004.
The expected impact of the ELD mandate will be amplified by the requirement, which took effect in April, that shippers and brokers comply with the safe-transportation language embedded in the Food Safety Modernization Act (FSMA), a landmark law regulating all aspects of the farm-to-table supply chain. The Food and Drug Administration (FDA), which wrote the rules, said the transport language didn't reinvent the regulatory wheel, and merely codifies the practices supply chain participants already had in place. Still, that hasn't kept rates from rising, and capacity from shrinking, for many shippers and brokers.
Many owner-operators don't possess the advanced level of technology required to meet rules governing the transport of the types of temperature-controlled cargo covered by the rules, Tucker said. In addition, major food shippers have been "stealing others' capacity" by paying higher rates or promising increased and consistent volumes, leaving fewer trucks for everyone else, it added.
The spot market for refrigerated loads reflects the phenomenon. Starting in mid-spring, the load-to-truck ratio for reefer equipment increased to 10 loads available for each truck, from 6 loads in 2016, according to DAT data cited by Tucker.
CONTRACT WEAKNESS
Despite all this, contract pricing remains tepid. A monthly index published by consultancy FTR that measures shipper conditions improved just moderately in May, the most recent month for which data was available. The May index indicated that contract rates were going nowhere fast and that the outlook was still favorable for shippers, FTR said. Jonathan Starks, the company's COO, said in a statement that the index reflected the perception that the economy hasn't received the boost from the Trump administration that many were hoping for. "We are back at the status quo, with moderate growth in both the overall economy and truck freight," he said in a statement last week.
However, in a subsequent e-mail, Starks said contract rates are poised to climb, and the only question is when. "We had expected earlier movement ... but we are now at the point where contract markets will start to show movement," he said. One tip-off is that the publicly traded truckload carriers were beating analysts' second-quarter estimates, despite confirming that rates remained subdued, he said.
Jeffrey G. Tucker, Tucker's CEO, forecast that the combination of the ELD and FSMA mandates will cause contract rates to spring forth with a vengeance not seen in more than a decade. Truckload contracts are dodgy things: They don't commit carriers to provide capacity, but they don't force carriers to abide by negotiated rates either. Contract rates can change mid-contract, and Tucker said that many will do just that during the upcoming cycle. What's more, because overall capacity is tighter today than it was in 2003-04, the impact on rates will be more extreme than in 2004, which he called a "brutal" year for shippers.
Larger carriers that didn't chase the spot market and stood by their shippers will be in high cotton as the pendulum swings, according to Tucker. They will "have the luxury to pick and choose the best lanes, maximizing their ROI systemwide," he said in an e-mail. Addressing those carriers, he said: "Everyone will have you on speed dial, you'll be overbooked every day, and you'll be able to call your shots like Babe Ruth."
Congestion on U.S. highways is costing the trucking industry big, according to research from the American Transportation Research Institute (ATRI), released today.
The group found that traffic congestion on U.S. highways added $108.8 billion in costs to the trucking industry in 2022, a record high. The information comes from ATRI’s Cost of Congestion study, which is part of the organization’s ongoing highway performance measurement research.
Total hours of congestion fell slightly compared to 2021 due to softening freight market conditions, but the cost of operating a truck increased at a much higher rate, according to the research. As a result, the overall cost of congestion increased by 15% year-over-year—a level equivalent to more than 430,000 commercial truck drivers sitting idle for one work year and an average cost of $7,588 for every registered combination truck.
The analysis also identified metropolitan delays and related impacts, showing that the top 10 most-congested states each experienced added costs of more than $8 billion. That list was led by Texas, at $9.17 billion in added costs; California, at $8.77 billion; and Florida, $8.44 billion. Rounding out the top 10 list were New York, Georgia, New Jersey, Illinois, Pennsylvania, Louisiana, and Tennessee. Combined, the top 10 states account for more than half of the trucking industry’s congestion costs nationwide—52%, according to the research.
The metro areas with the highest congestion costs include New York City, $6.68 billion; Miami, $3.2 billion; and Chicago, $3.14 billion.
ATRI’s analysis also found that the trucking industry wasted more than 6.4 billion gallons of diesel fuel in 2022 due to congestion, resulting in additional fuel costs of $32.1 billion.
ATRI used a combination of data sources, including its truck GPS database and Operational Costs study benchmarks, to calculate the impacts of trucking delays on major U.S. roadways.
There’s a photo from 1971 that John Kent, professor of supply chain management at the University of Arkansas, likes to show. It’s of a shaggy-haired 18-year-old named Glenn Cowan grinning at three-time world table tennis champion Zhuang Zedong, while holding a silk tapestry Zhuang had just given him. Cowan was a member of the U.S. table tennis team who participated in the 1971 World Table Tennis Championships in Nagoya, Japan. Story has it that one morning, he overslept and missed his bus to the tournament and had to hitch a ride with the Chinese national team and met and connected with Zhuang.
Cowan and Zhuang’s interaction led to an invitation for the U.S. team to visit China. At the time, the two countries were just beginning to emerge from a 20-year period of decidedly frosty relations, strict travel bans, and trade restrictions. The highly publicized trip signaled a willingness on both sides to renew relations and launched the term “pingpong diplomacy.”
Kent, who is a senior fellow at the George H. W. Bush Foundation for U.S.-China Relations, believes the photograph is a good reminder that some 50-odd years ago, the economies of the United States and China were not as tightly interwoven as they are today. At the time, the Nixon administration was looking to form closer political and economic ties between the two countries in hopes of reducing chances of future conflict (and to weaken alliances among Communist countries).
The signals coming out of Washington and Beijing are now, of course, much different than they were in the early 1970s. Instead of advocating for better relations, political rhetoric focuses on the need for the U.S. to “decouple” from China. Both Republicans and Democrats have warned that the U.S. economy is too dependent on goods manufactured in China. They see this dependency as a threat to economic strength, American jobs, supply chain resiliency, and national security.
Supply chain professionals, however, know that extricating ourselves from our reliance on Chinese manufacturing is easier said than done. Many pundits push for a “China + 1” strategy, where companies diversify their manufacturing and sourcing options beyond China. But in reality, that “plus one” is often a Chinese company operating in a different country or a non-Chinese manufacturer that is still heavily dependent on material or subcomponents made in China.
This is the problem when supply chain decisions are made on a global scale without input from supply chain professionals. In an article in the Arkansas Democrat-Gazette, Kent argues that, “The discussions on supply chains mainly take place between government officials who typically bring many other competing issues and agendas to the table. Corporate entities—the individuals and companies directly impacted by supply chains—tend to be under-represented in the conversation.”
Kent is a proponent of what he calls “supply chain diplomacy,” where experts from academia and industry from the U.S. and China work collaboratively to create better, more efficient global supply chains. Take, for example, the “Peace Beans” project that Kent is involved with. This project, jointly formed by Zhejiang University and the Bush China Foundation, proposes balancing supply chains by exporting soybeans from Arkansas to tofu producers in China’s Yunnan province, and, in return, importing coffee beans grown in Yunnan to coffee roasters in Arkansas. Kent believes the operation could even use the same transportation equipment.
The benefits of working collaboratively—instead of continuing to build friction in the supply chain through tariffs and adversarial relationships—are numerous, according to Kent and his colleagues. They believe it would be much better if the two major world economies worked together on issues like global inflation, climate change, and artificial intelligence.
And such relations could play a significant role in strengthening world peace, particularly in light of ongoing tensions over Taiwan. Because, as Kent writes, “The 19th-century idea that ‘When goods don’t cross borders, soldiers will’ is as true today as ever. Perhaps more so.”
Hyster-Yale Materials Handling today announced its plans to fulfill the domestic manufacturing requirements of the Build America, Buy America (BABA) Act for certain portions of its lineup of forklift trucks and container handling equipment.
That means the Greenville, North Carolina-based company now plans to expand its existing American manufacturing with a targeted set of high-capacity models, including electric options, that align with the needs of infrastructure projects subject to BABA requirements. The company’s plans include determining the optimal production location in the United States, strategically expanding sourcing agreements to meet local material requirements, and further developing electric power options for high-capacity equipment.
As a part of the 2021 Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act, the BABA Act aims to increase the use of American-made materials in federally funded infrastructure projects across the U.S., Hyster-Yale says. It was enacted as part of a broader effort to boost domestic manufacturing and economic growth, and mandates that federal dollars allocated to infrastructure – such as roads, bridges, ports and public transit systems – must prioritize materials produced in the USA, including critical items like steel, iron and various construction materials.
Hyster-Yale’s footprint in the U.S. is spread across 10 locations, including three manufacturing facilities.
“Our leadership is fully invested in meeting the needs of businesses that require BABA-compliant material handling solutions,” Tony Salgado, Hyster-Yale’s chief operating officer, said in a release. “We are working to partner with our key domestic suppliers, as well as identifying how best to leverage our own American manufacturing footprint to deliver a competitive solution for our customers and stakeholders. But beyond mere compliance, and in line with the many areas of our business where we are evolving to better support our customers, our commitment remains steadfast. We are dedicated to delivering industry-leading standards in design, durability and performance — qualities that have become synonymous with our brands worldwide and that our customers have come to rely on and expect.”
In a separate move, the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) also gave its approval for the state to advance its Heavy-Duty Omnibus Rule, which is crafted to significantly reduce smog-forming nitrogen oxide (NOx) emissions from new heavy-duty, diesel-powered trucks.
Both rules are intended to deliver health benefits to California citizens affected by vehicle pollution, according to the environmental group Earthjustice. If the state gets federal approval for the final steps to become law, the rules mean that cars on the road in California will largely be zero-emissions a generation from now in the 2050s, accounting for the average vehicle lifespan of vehicles with internal combustion engine (ICE) power sold before that 2035 date.
“This might read like checking a bureaucratic box, but EPA’s approval is a critical step forward in protecting our lungs from pollution and our wallets from the expenses of combustion fuels,” Paul Cort, director of Earthjustice’s Right To Zero campaign, said in a release. “The gradual shift in car sales to zero-emissions models will cut smog and household costs while growing California’s clean energy workforce. Cutting truck pollution will help clear our skies of smog. EPA should now approve the remaining authorization requests from California to allow the state to clean its air and protect its residents.”
However, the truck drivers' industry group Owner-Operator Independent Drivers Association (OOIDA) pushed back against the federal decision allowing the Omnibus Low-NOx rule to advance. "The Omnibus Low-NOx waiver for California calls into question the policymaking process under the Biden administration's EPA. Purposefully injecting uncertainty into a $588 billion American industry is bad for our economy and makes no meaningful progress towards purported environmental goals," (OOIDA) President Todd Spencer said in a release. "EPA's credibility outside of radical environmental circles would have been better served by working with regulated industries rather than ramming through last-minute special interest favors. We look forward to working with the Trump administration's EPA in good faith towards achievable environmental outcomes.”
Editor's note:This article was revised on December 18 to add reaction from OOIDA.
Global trade will see a moderate rebound in 2025, likely growing by 3.6% in volume terms, helped by companies restocking and households renewing purchases of durable goods while reducing spending on services, according to a forecast from trade credit insurer Allianz Trade.
The end of the year for 2024 will also likely be supported by companies rushing to ship goods in anticipation of the higher tariffs likely to be imposed by the coming Trump administration, and other potential disruptions in the coming quarters, the report said.
However, that tailwind for global trade will likely shift to a headwind once the effects of a renewed but contained trade war are felt from the second half of 2025 and in full in 2026. As a result, Allianz Trade has throttled back its predictions, saying that global trade in volume will grow by 2.8% in 2025 (reduced by 0.2 percentage points vs. its previous forecast) and 2.3% in 2026 (reduced by 0.5 percentage points).
The same logic applies to Allianz Trade’s forecast for export prices in U.S. dollars, which the firm has now revised downward to predict growth reaching 2.3% in 2025 (reduced by 1.7 percentage points) and 4.1% in 2026 (reduced by 0.8 percentage points).
In the meantime, the rush to frontload imports into the U.S. is giving freight carriers an early Christmas present. According to Allianz Trade, data released last week showed Chinese exports rising by a robust 6.7% y/y in November. And imports of some consumer goods that have been threatened with a likely 25% tariff under the new Trump administration have outperformed even more, growing by nearly 20% y/y on average between July and September.