Less-than-truckload carriers shift cargo liability to shippers
For over a century, the Carmack Amendment has provided liability protection for motor freight shippers. But a carrier group's unilateral policy change last summer upends decades of what many thought was settled law.
Mark Solomon joined DC VELOCITY as senior editor in August 2008, and was promoted to his current position on January 1, 2015. He has spent more than 30 years in the transportation, logistics and supply chain management fields as a journalist and public relations professional. From 1989 to 1994, he worked in Washington as a reporter for the Journal of Commerce, covering the aviation and trucking industries, the Department of Transportation, Congress and the U.S. Supreme Court. Prior to that, he worked for Traffic World for seven years in a similar role. From 1994 to 2008, Mr. Solomon ran Media-Based Solutions, a public relations firm based in Atlanta. He graduated in 1978 with a B.A. in journalism from The American University in Washington, D.C.
Since 1906, the federal law governing liability for lost or damaged cargo has been the so-called Carmack Amendment, authored by Edward Ward Carmack, a Tennessee lawmaker, lawyer, and publisher who in 1908 was gunned down by a political rival on the streets of Nashville in what is still regarded as the city's most notorious murder.
The amendment, attached to the landmark Interstate Commerce Act signed into law 19 years before, holds a carrier responsible for proving it wasn't negligent in its handling of in-transit cargo that was lost or damaged. The shipper's sole obligation is to show the cargo was in good condition when it was tendered. To avoid liability, a carrier must demonstrate that loss or damage was due to one of five events: an act of God, actions of the shipper, the "authority of laws" such as a government edict, the presence of a "public enemy," and the "inherent vice" of, or a defect in, the shipment itself. The amendment, which became so familiar through the decades that it was simply referred to by the author's last name, was designed to eliminate a hodgepodge of state laws that made it difficult for shippers or carriers to determine their rights and obligations in a given situation.
For decades, the amendment has been a basic tenet of the uniform bill of lading, which is the default—and still widely used—contract of carriage between a shipper and carrier. But the road has been a rocky one. Carmack survived numerous challenges in state courts before the U.S. Supreme Court in 1964 finally upheld Carmack on grounds the amendment rightly protects shippers who can't travel with the carrier and have no way of knowing how their goods were being handled or how they were lost or damaged.
Carmack held firm until last July 14. On that date, the National Motor Freight Traffic Association (NMFTA), a 450-member carrier body that oversees a system of freight classifications used to set tariff rates mostly for less-than-truckload (LTL) services, announced a series of changes to the uniform bill of lading, all of which took effect Aug. 13. The most far-reaching was to shift to shippers the burden of proving carrier negligence. NMFTA also added "riots, strikes, or any related causes" to the list of carrier defenses to a cargo claim. Opponents have argued the change runs counter to more than a century of settled law, including the core position taken by the Supreme Court in upholding Carmack, and puts shippers at an extreme disadvantage in liability disputes.
Other NMFTA changes didn't sit well with shippers either. One put the liability burden on the carrier whose name appears on the bill of lading, rather than on the carrier in physical control of the goods. Dealing with two different carriers could delay the recovery of a loss-and-damage claim should the carrier that caused the damage argue that the shipper must pursue the carrier listed on the contract, according to industry experts.
Another change shortened the nine-month window for filing a claim on a loss by starting the clock from the bill of lading date, instead of from a reasonable time after delivery should have taken place. Altering the deadline for filing a claim before it is time-barred would hurt shippers that generally want the expiration date to be as late as possible so they have more time to investigate the incident, shipper advocates say. "I've been involved in claims on both sides that turn on whether or not a shipper has made a timely claim," said Marc S. Blubaugh, a Columbus, Ohio-based lawyer at Benesch, Friedlander, Coplan & Aronoff.
The cumulative changes will affect millions of shipments that move under the uniform bill of lading. Though LTL carriers account for most of NMFTA's membership, truckload carriers are also in the group. In addition, many parties rely on terms of the uniform bill even if they are not part of NMFTA, according to Blubaugh. The changes have "broad implications for shippers, brokers, and carriers involved in truckload as well as less-than-truckload shipments," he said.
IN THE DEAD OF NIGHT
The NMFTA disclosed its changes with no prior public notification and with no input from stakeholders, according to shipper and broker advocates. The Transportation and Logistics Council, a group of practitioners and attorneys, asked the U.S. Surface Transportation Board (STB), the agency that oversees what is left of economic regulation of the transportation industry, to block the rules' implementation. The board denied the request but said it would conduct an investigation to determine if it has the statutory authority to intervene. The matter was still pending as the calendar turned.
NMFTA has argued that the STB has no power to grant relief because there is no agreement in place that falls under its jurisdiction. Opponents, unsurprisingly, disagree with that assessment.
The STB's involvement in trucking issues has been nearly nonexistent since its forerunner agency, the Interstate Commerce Commission (ICC), was sunset by Congress in 1995 and virtually all the ICC's motor carrier responsibilities were transferred to the U.S. Department of Transportation. Perhaps the agency's last notable truck-related action came in 2007, when it stripped rate bureaus of their long-held antitrust immunity to collectively set rates.
NEW RULES FOR A NEW AGE
NMFTA said its changes are consistent with the framework of a modern-day trucking industry, noting that much of the language that was revised last July dates back to 1936. Shippers and carriers today have access to various contractual alternatives to the uniform bill of lading where specific terms and conditions, including those involving liability, can be negotiated, according to the group. What's more, the uniform bill of lading doesn't apply to the overwhelming number of truckers operating in interstate commerce because most are not part of the system that NMFTA administers, the group said.
Opponents concede that shippers have contractual alternatives available to them. Yet the majority of shippers still rely on the uniform bill of lading as their contract, they maintain. "Many shippers today are unaware of any other bill of lading and are unaware that they are not required" to use it, the shipper group NASSTRAC told the STB in August. Even shippers who have pursued outside contracts discover that many shipments, such as those arranged by brokers and other third parties, still move subject to the uniform bill of lading, the group said.
Brené Primus, a Minneapolis-based attorney who represents shippers, brokers, and a handful of carriers, said in a phone interview that a carrier is unlikely to negotiate contracts outside the scope of the uniform bill unless a customer tenders at least $1 million worth of freight a year. Even deep-pocketed shippers with the power to negotiate separate contracts often find that carriers don't want to deviate from language contained in the uniform bill, Primus said.
Primus said NMFTA is acting as a prudent steward of its members' interests by attempting to limit their collective liability exposure and push more of the responsibility onto the shippers. "From their point of view, it is smart business practice," he said.
Blubaugh of the Benesch law firm said the new rules will widen the divide between large, sophisticated shippers that negotiate contracts that supersede the uniform bill of lading or carriers' tariffs, and shippers that operate on a transactional basis—or largely in the non-contractual, or spot, market—and who rely on the uniform bill as their contract of carriage. The latter group "would have to change their contract management and administration in significant ways" to migrate toward nonstandard contracts, Blubaugh said in an e-mail.
Shipper and broker groups contend that last summer's actions are another step in NMFTA's efforts to tilt the playing field toward its members. In 2014, the association decreed that disputes relating to loss and damage claims, as well as rates and charges for shipments subject to the terms of the uniform bill, be submitted to arbitration instead of litigated in court. Meanwhile, most major carriers have added a provision to their tariffs barring class actions of any type. Critics contend that few shippers have the knowledge or the resources to challenge the association's actions, given the arbitration provisions and the tariff language barring class actions, both of which inhibit shippers' ability to muster a legal challenge.
Primus said the changes to the uniform bill of lading, in aggregate, amount to what lawyers refer to as a "contract of adhesion," defined as a standard contract drafted by the side with stronger bargaining power and generally accepted by the weaker party because it has no leverage to negotiate modifications. There will be few shippers with the clout to resist the NMFTA's contractual changes now in effect, he added.
This article appeared in our February 2017 print edition under the title "NMFTA: Hit the road, Carmack!"
Congestion on U.S. highways is costing the trucking industry big, according to research from the American Transportation Research Institute (ATRI), released today.
The group found that traffic congestion on U.S. highways added $108.8 billion in costs to the trucking industry in 2022, a record high. The information comes from ATRI’s Cost of Congestion study, which is part of the organization’s ongoing highway performance measurement research.
Total hours of congestion fell slightly compared to 2021 due to softening freight market conditions, but the cost of operating a truck increased at a much higher rate, according to the research. As a result, the overall cost of congestion increased by 15% year-over-year—a level equivalent to more than 430,000 commercial truck drivers sitting idle for one work year and an average cost of $7,588 for every registered combination truck.
The analysis also identified metropolitan delays and related impacts, showing that the top 10 most-congested states each experienced added costs of more than $8 billion. That list was led by Texas, at $9.17 billion in added costs; California, at $8.77 billion; and Florida, $8.44 billion. Rounding out the top 10 list were New York, Georgia, New Jersey, Illinois, Pennsylvania, Louisiana, and Tennessee. Combined, the top 10 states account for more than half of the trucking industry’s congestion costs nationwide—52%, according to the research.
The metro areas with the highest congestion costs include New York City, $6.68 billion; Miami, $3.2 billion; and Chicago, $3.14 billion.
ATRI’s analysis also found that the trucking industry wasted more than 6.4 billion gallons of diesel fuel in 2022 due to congestion, resulting in additional fuel costs of $32.1 billion.
ATRI used a combination of data sources, including its truck GPS database and Operational Costs study benchmarks, to calculate the impacts of trucking delays on major U.S. roadways.
There’s a photo from 1971 that John Kent, professor of supply chain management at the University of Arkansas, likes to show. It’s of a shaggy-haired 18-year-old named Glenn Cowan grinning at three-time world table tennis champion Zhuang Zedong, while holding a silk tapestry Zhuang had just given him. Cowan was a member of the U.S. table tennis team who participated in the 1971 World Table Tennis Championships in Nagoya, Japan. Story has it that one morning, he overslept and missed his bus to the tournament and had to hitch a ride with the Chinese national team and met and connected with Zhuang.
Cowan and Zhuang’s interaction led to an invitation for the U.S. team to visit China. At the time, the two countries were just beginning to emerge from a 20-year period of decidedly frosty relations, strict travel bans, and trade restrictions. The highly publicized trip signaled a willingness on both sides to renew relations and launched the term “pingpong diplomacy.”
Kent, who is a senior fellow at the George H. W. Bush Foundation for U.S.-China Relations, believes the photograph is a good reminder that some 50-odd years ago, the economies of the United States and China were not as tightly interwoven as they are today. At the time, the Nixon administration was looking to form closer political and economic ties between the two countries in hopes of reducing chances of future conflict (and to weaken alliances among Communist countries).
The signals coming out of Washington and Beijing are now, of course, much different than they were in the early 1970s. Instead of advocating for better relations, political rhetoric focuses on the need for the U.S. to “decouple” from China. Both Republicans and Democrats have warned that the U.S. economy is too dependent on goods manufactured in China. They see this dependency as a threat to economic strength, American jobs, supply chain resiliency, and national security.
Supply chain professionals, however, know that extricating ourselves from our reliance on Chinese manufacturing is easier said than done. Many pundits push for a “China + 1” strategy, where companies diversify their manufacturing and sourcing options beyond China. But in reality, that “plus one” is often a Chinese company operating in a different country or a non-Chinese manufacturer that is still heavily dependent on material or subcomponents made in China.
This is the problem when supply chain decisions are made on a global scale without input from supply chain professionals. In an article in the Arkansas Democrat-Gazette, Kent argues that, “The discussions on supply chains mainly take place between government officials who typically bring many other competing issues and agendas to the table. Corporate entities—the individuals and companies directly impacted by supply chains—tend to be under-represented in the conversation.”
Kent is a proponent of what he calls “supply chain diplomacy,” where experts from academia and industry from the U.S. and China work collaboratively to create better, more efficient global supply chains. Take, for example, the “Peace Beans” project that Kent is involved with. This project, jointly formed by Zhejiang University and the Bush China Foundation, proposes balancing supply chains by exporting soybeans from Arkansas to tofu producers in China’s Yunnan province, and, in return, importing coffee beans grown in Yunnan to coffee roasters in Arkansas. Kent believes the operation could even use the same transportation equipment.
The benefits of working collaboratively—instead of continuing to build friction in the supply chain through tariffs and adversarial relationships—are numerous, according to Kent and his colleagues. They believe it would be much better if the two major world economies worked together on issues like global inflation, climate change, and artificial intelligence.
And such relations could play a significant role in strengthening world peace, particularly in light of ongoing tensions over Taiwan. Because, as Kent writes, “The 19th-century idea that ‘When goods don’t cross borders, soldiers will’ is as true today as ever. Perhaps more so.”
Hyster-Yale Materials Handling today announced its plans to fulfill the domestic manufacturing requirements of the Build America, Buy America (BABA) Act for certain portions of its lineup of forklift trucks and container handling equipment.
That means the Greenville, North Carolina-based company now plans to expand its existing American manufacturing with a targeted set of high-capacity models, including electric options, that align with the needs of infrastructure projects subject to BABA requirements. The company’s plans include determining the optimal production location in the United States, strategically expanding sourcing agreements to meet local material requirements, and further developing electric power options for high-capacity equipment.
As a part of the 2021 Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act, the BABA Act aims to increase the use of American-made materials in federally funded infrastructure projects across the U.S., Hyster-Yale says. It was enacted as part of a broader effort to boost domestic manufacturing and economic growth, and mandates that federal dollars allocated to infrastructure – such as roads, bridges, ports and public transit systems – must prioritize materials produced in the USA, including critical items like steel, iron and various construction materials.
Hyster-Yale’s footprint in the U.S. is spread across 10 locations, including three manufacturing facilities.
“Our leadership is fully invested in meeting the needs of businesses that require BABA-compliant material handling solutions,” Tony Salgado, Hyster-Yale’s chief operating officer, said in a release. “We are working to partner with our key domestic suppliers, as well as identifying how best to leverage our own American manufacturing footprint to deliver a competitive solution for our customers and stakeholders. But beyond mere compliance, and in line with the many areas of our business where we are evolving to better support our customers, our commitment remains steadfast. We are dedicated to delivering industry-leading standards in design, durability and performance — qualities that have become synonymous with our brands worldwide and that our customers have come to rely on and expect.”
In a separate move, the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) also gave its approval for the state to advance its Heavy-Duty Omnibus Rule, which is crafted to significantly reduce smog-forming nitrogen oxide (NOx) emissions from new heavy-duty, diesel-powered trucks.
Both rules are intended to deliver health benefits to California citizens affected by vehicle pollution, according to the environmental group Earthjustice. If the state gets federal approval for the final steps to become law, the rules mean that cars on the road in California will largely be zero-emissions a generation from now in the 2050s, accounting for the average vehicle lifespan of vehicles with internal combustion engine (ICE) power sold before that 2035 date.
“This might read like checking a bureaucratic box, but EPA’s approval is a critical step forward in protecting our lungs from pollution and our wallets from the expenses of combustion fuels,” Paul Cort, director of Earthjustice’s Right To Zero campaign, said in a release. “The gradual shift in car sales to zero-emissions models will cut smog and household costs while growing California’s clean energy workforce. Cutting truck pollution will help clear our skies of smog. EPA should now approve the remaining authorization requests from California to allow the state to clean its air and protect its residents.”
However, the truck drivers' industry group Owner-Operator Independent Drivers Association (OOIDA) pushed back against the federal decision allowing the Omnibus Low-NOx rule to advance. "The Omnibus Low-NOx waiver for California calls into question the policymaking process under the Biden administration's EPA. Purposefully injecting uncertainty into a $588 billion American industry is bad for our economy and makes no meaningful progress towards purported environmental goals," (OOIDA) President Todd Spencer said in a release. "EPA's credibility outside of radical environmental circles would have been better served by working with regulated industries rather than ramming through last-minute special interest favors. We look forward to working with the Trump administration's EPA in good faith towards achievable environmental outcomes.”
Editor's note:This article was revised on December 18 to add reaction from OOIDA.
A Canadian startup that provides AI-powered logistics solutions has gained $5.5 million in seed funding to support its concept of creating a digital platform for global trade, according to Toronto-based Starboard.
The round was led by Eclipse, with participation from previous backers Garuda Ventures and Everywhere Ventures. The firm says it will use its new backing to expand its engineering team in Toronto and accelerate its AI-driven product development to simplify supply chain complexities.
According to Starboard, the logistics industry is under immense pressure to adapt to the growing complexity of global trade, which has hit recent hurdles such as the strike at U.S. east and gulf coast ports. That situation calls for innovative solutions to streamline operations and reduce costs for operators.
As a potential solution, Starboard offers its flagship product, which it defines as an AI-based transportation management system (TMS) and rate management system that helps mid-sized freight forwarders operate more efficiently and win more business. More broadly, Starboard says it is building the virtual infrastructure for global trade, allowing freight companies to leverage AI and machine learning to optimize operations such as processing shipments in real time, reconciling invoices, and following up on payments.
"This investment is a pivotal step in our mission to unlock the power of AI for our customers," said Sumeet Trehan, Co-Founder and CEO of Starboard. "Global trade has long been plagued by inefficiencies that drive up costs and reduce competitiveness. Our platform is designed to empower SMB freight forwarders—the backbone of more than $20 trillion in global trade and $1 trillion in logistics spend—with the tools they need to thrive in this complex ecosystem."