Mark Solomon joined DC VELOCITY as senior editor in August 2008, and was promoted to his current position on January 1, 2015. He has spent more than 30 years in the transportation, logistics and supply chain management fields as a journalist and public relations professional. From 1989 to 1994, he worked in Washington as a reporter for the Journal of Commerce, covering the aviation and trucking industries, the Department of Transportation, Congress and the U.S. Supreme Court. Prior to that, he worked for Traffic World for seven years in a similar role. From 1994 to 2008, Mr. Solomon ran Media-Based Solutions, a public relations firm based in Atlanta. He graduated in 1978 with a B.A. in journalism from The American University in Washington, D.C.
Shortly after 10 a.m. tomorrow, Elaine L. Chao will appear before the Senate Commerce Committee and, barring unforeseen developments, will breeze through a confirmation hearing on her way to becoming the 18th secretary of transportation in the agency's 50-year history.
Those will likely be the least complicated moments of the 63-year-old Chao's tenure. Ahead of her lies a multitude of challenges. Chao will serve as the Trump administration's point person for a proposed infrastructure improvement initiative pegged at between $550 billion and $1 trillion, though at this point no one knows what it will entail or how it will be funded. While Congress controls the process, Chao's decades of public policy experience, which includes five years at DOT and the Federal Maritime Commission (FMC), and eight more as labor secretary in the George W. Bush administration, as well as her deep political connections—she is married to Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.)—could put her front and center of what will likely be a high-profile debate.
Beyond her role in helping shape infrastructure policy, Chao is tasked with balancing the commercial demands of a rapidly changing mobility landscape and the department's top priority of ensuring public safety. The DOT's new world includes autonomous autos and trucks as well as commercial drones, areas that will only grow in relevance during Chao's tenure and will likely require different regulatory approaches. She will be dealing with ever-more crowded roadways; the Bureau of Transportation Statistics and the Federal Highway Administration, both DOT units, forecast today that truck ton-miles—one ton carried one mile—will rise by nearly 50 percent by 2045. She will be sought after by intermodal freight interests anxious to gain a larger share of the infrastructure pie with the phrase "freight can't wait." Chao is also likely to face pressure from motor carrier interests, emboldened by President-elect Trump's broad pledge to reverse Obama administration edicts viewed as anti-business, to rescind some of the Federal Motor Carrier Safety Administration's (FMCSA) regulations that truckers have complained are too costly and burdensome, and not justified by the potential safety benefits.
The only two regulations seen as being off the table are the mandate that each truck built after 2000 be equipped with an electronic logging device (ELD) by the end of the year, and the creation of a drug and alcohol information clearinghouse to let employers know whether a driver had a history of substance abuse at the time they were hired. Both are believed to have sound safety principles behind them, and, in the case of the ELD mandate, have been upheld by a federal appeals court, though the Owner-Operator Independent Drivers Association (OOIDA), which represents thousands of owner-operators and small fleets, has appealed the ruling.
James H. Burnley IV, who as deputy transportation secretary in 1986 helped launch Chao's transport career by recommending her as deputy maritime administrator, said Chao will take a rational and analytical approach to addressing economic regulation, and she will not let it conflict with her primary mission of maintaining safe roads, skies, waterways, railroads, and pipelines, all of which fall under DOT's purview. Though Chao will not layer the trucking industry with additional regulations, she won't put its economic interests above her overarching safety mandate, said Burnley, who served as DOT secretary in the last two years of the Reagan administration and has practiced law in Washington ever since.
Burnley, who has known Chao since 1983, was effusive in his praise. "She is one of the best qualified people, if not the best qualified person, to head DOT at this point in time," he said in a phone interview.
The American Trucking Associations (ATA) and OOIDA, the nation's two principal trucking groups, either declined comment or were not available to comment. The groups issued statements of congratulations when Chao was nominated in late November.
A balanced approach?
Cost-benefit analysis will be the order of the day at a Chao DOT, according to Marc Scribner, a senior fellow specializing in transport issues at the Competitive Enterprise Institute, a free-enterprise think tank with a jaundiced view toward regulation. "There will be a general skepticism of regulating first and asking questions later," said Scribner, a reference to what he said was the modus operandi of the Obama DOT. Ray LaHood and Anthony Foxx, the transport secretaries during President Barack Obama's two terms, "didn't really care about the costs" of regulations even if there were legitimate questions about whether the policies would result in safety improvements, Scribner said. That mindset will change under Chao, he predicted.
A tip-off to Chao's attitude toward trucking regulation may come with her choice to head the FMCSA, which over the past eight years has often been at loggerheads with truckers over alleged administrative overreach. The most recent administrator, T.F. Scott Darling III, has been relatively non-controversial. However, his predecessor, Anne S. Ferro, repeatedly incurred the wrath of an industry that accused her of ramming unfunded mandates with dubious safety benefits down its throat. A collective outcry of motor carrier interests is believed to have contributed to Ferro's departure from the agency in July 2014.
C. Randal Mullett, who was the long-time Washington lobbyist for the former Con-way Inc. trucking and logistics company, and now heads his own lobbying firm, said he's been told Chao is "actively involved" in selecting her leadership team, which would include the heads of sub-agencies like FMCSA. Mullett expects Chao to immerse herself in truck regulation with an eye toward better understanding the natural tension that exists between safety and economic imperatives. "Every administration is different, but based on the signals coming out of Trump Tower so far ... this administration will be very focused on such details, particularly in such a vital economic sector where good blue-collar jobs are involved," he said.
Chao's supporters point to her transport regulatory experience, which besides her stint at the maritime administration included one year as FMC chair and two years as deputy transport secretary in the George H.W. Bush administration. However, Kathryn B. Thomson, who was DOT general counsel under Secretaries LaHood and Foxx and is now a Washington-based attorney, said the significance of Chao's transport experience might be overstated. Thompson noted that Chao has been away from day-to-day transport policymaking since 1991, and in the years to follow did not keep her hand in the industry. Thomson, who never worked for or with Chao, said she has conducted extensive research on her work at DOT, the FMC, and the labor department since her nomination.
Throughout her stints in government, Chao has been supremely focused on reducing regulatory burdens and improving organizational behavior, Thomson's analysis found. Chao's style was to give directives to her staff and then expect those directives to be executed without much hands-on management. She excelled at completing what Thomson called one-off projects, and did not manage by consensus. By contrast, Secretary LaHood preferred to follow a big-tent approach where he sought views from multiple stakeholders before moving forward, Thomson said. It remains to be seen whether Chao's style will mesh with the work of an agency that takes a strategic, long-term view of the industry it governs.
"She is capable of doing it," said Thomson, referring to Chao's ability to re-align her management approach. "But she doesn't have a record of doing it."
Congestion on U.S. highways is costing the trucking industry big, according to research from the American Transportation Research Institute (ATRI), released today.
The group found that traffic congestion on U.S. highways added $108.8 billion in costs to the trucking industry in 2022, a record high. The information comes from ATRI’s Cost of Congestion study, which is part of the organization’s ongoing highway performance measurement research.
Total hours of congestion fell slightly compared to 2021 due to softening freight market conditions, but the cost of operating a truck increased at a much higher rate, according to the research. As a result, the overall cost of congestion increased by 15% year-over-year—a level equivalent to more than 430,000 commercial truck drivers sitting idle for one work year and an average cost of $7,588 for every registered combination truck.
The analysis also identified metropolitan delays and related impacts, showing that the top 10 most-congested states each experienced added costs of more than $8 billion. That list was led by Texas, at $9.17 billion in added costs; California, at $8.77 billion; and Florida, $8.44 billion. Rounding out the top 10 list were New York, Georgia, New Jersey, Illinois, Pennsylvania, Louisiana, and Tennessee. Combined, the top 10 states account for more than half of the trucking industry’s congestion costs nationwide—52%, according to the research.
The metro areas with the highest congestion costs include New York City, $6.68 billion; Miami, $3.2 billion; and Chicago, $3.14 billion.
ATRI’s analysis also found that the trucking industry wasted more than 6.4 billion gallons of diesel fuel in 2022 due to congestion, resulting in additional fuel costs of $32.1 billion.
ATRI used a combination of data sources, including its truck GPS database and Operational Costs study benchmarks, to calculate the impacts of trucking delays on major U.S. roadways.
There’s a photo from 1971 that John Kent, professor of supply chain management at the University of Arkansas, likes to show. It’s of a shaggy-haired 18-year-old named Glenn Cowan grinning at three-time world table tennis champion Zhuang Zedong, while holding a silk tapestry Zhuang had just given him. Cowan was a member of the U.S. table tennis team who participated in the 1971 World Table Tennis Championships in Nagoya, Japan. Story has it that one morning, he overslept and missed his bus to the tournament and had to hitch a ride with the Chinese national team and met and connected with Zhuang.
Cowan and Zhuang’s interaction led to an invitation for the U.S. team to visit China. At the time, the two countries were just beginning to emerge from a 20-year period of decidedly frosty relations, strict travel bans, and trade restrictions. The highly publicized trip signaled a willingness on both sides to renew relations and launched the term “pingpong diplomacy.”
Kent, who is a senior fellow at the George H. W. Bush Foundation for U.S.-China Relations, believes the photograph is a good reminder that some 50-odd years ago, the economies of the United States and China were not as tightly interwoven as they are today. At the time, the Nixon administration was looking to form closer political and economic ties between the two countries in hopes of reducing chances of future conflict (and to weaken alliances among Communist countries).
The signals coming out of Washington and Beijing are now, of course, much different than they were in the early 1970s. Instead of advocating for better relations, political rhetoric focuses on the need for the U.S. to “decouple” from China. Both Republicans and Democrats have warned that the U.S. economy is too dependent on goods manufactured in China. They see this dependency as a threat to economic strength, American jobs, supply chain resiliency, and national security.
Supply chain professionals, however, know that extricating ourselves from our reliance on Chinese manufacturing is easier said than done. Many pundits push for a “China + 1” strategy, where companies diversify their manufacturing and sourcing options beyond China. But in reality, that “plus one” is often a Chinese company operating in a different country or a non-Chinese manufacturer that is still heavily dependent on material or subcomponents made in China.
This is the problem when supply chain decisions are made on a global scale without input from supply chain professionals. In an article in the Arkansas Democrat-Gazette, Kent argues that, “The discussions on supply chains mainly take place between government officials who typically bring many other competing issues and agendas to the table. Corporate entities—the individuals and companies directly impacted by supply chains—tend to be under-represented in the conversation.”
Kent is a proponent of what he calls “supply chain diplomacy,” where experts from academia and industry from the U.S. and China work collaboratively to create better, more efficient global supply chains. Take, for example, the “Peace Beans” project that Kent is involved with. This project, jointly formed by Zhejiang University and the Bush China Foundation, proposes balancing supply chains by exporting soybeans from Arkansas to tofu producers in China’s Yunnan province, and, in return, importing coffee beans grown in Yunnan to coffee roasters in Arkansas. Kent believes the operation could even use the same transportation equipment.
The benefits of working collaboratively—instead of continuing to build friction in the supply chain through tariffs and adversarial relationships—are numerous, according to Kent and his colleagues. They believe it would be much better if the two major world economies worked together on issues like global inflation, climate change, and artificial intelligence.
And such relations could play a significant role in strengthening world peace, particularly in light of ongoing tensions over Taiwan. Because, as Kent writes, “The 19th-century idea that ‘When goods don’t cross borders, soldiers will’ is as true today as ever. Perhaps more so.”
Hyster-Yale Materials Handling today announced its plans to fulfill the domestic manufacturing requirements of the Build America, Buy America (BABA) Act for certain portions of its lineup of forklift trucks and container handling equipment.
That means the Greenville, North Carolina-based company now plans to expand its existing American manufacturing with a targeted set of high-capacity models, including electric options, that align with the needs of infrastructure projects subject to BABA requirements. The company’s plans include determining the optimal production location in the United States, strategically expanding sourcing agreements to meet local material requirements, and further developing electric power options for high-capacity equipment.
As a part of the 2021 Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act, the BABA Act aims to increase the use of American-made materials in federally funded infrastructure projects across the U.S., Hyster-Yale says. It was enacted as part of a broader effort to boost domestic manufacturing and economic growth, and mandates that federal dollars allocated to infrastructure – such as roads, bridges, ports and public transit systems – must prioritize materials produced in the USA, including critical items like steel, iron and various construction materials.
Hyster-Yale’s footprint in the U.S. is spread across 10 locations, including three manufacturing facilities.
“Our leadership is fully invested in meeting the needs of businesses that require BABA-compliant material handling solutions,” Tony Salgado, Hyster-Yale’s chief operating officer, said in a release. “We are working to partner with our key domestic suppliers, as well as identifying how best to leverage our own American manufacturing footprint to deliver a competitive solution for our customers and stakeholders. But beyond mere compliance, and in line with the many areas of our business where we are evolving to better support our customers, our commitment remains steadfast. We are dedicated to delivering industry-leading standards in design, durability and performance — qualities that have become synonymous with our brands worldwide and that our customers have come to rely on and expect.”
In a separate move, the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) also gave its approval for the state to advance its Heavy-Duty Omnibus Rule, which is crafted to significantly reduce smog-forming nitrogen oxide (NOx) emissions from new heavy-duty, diesel-powered trucks.
Both rules are intended to deliver health benefits to California citizens affected by vehicle pollution, according to the environmental group Earthjustice. If the state gets federal approval for the final steps to become law, the rules mean that cars on the road in California will largely be zero-emissions a generation from now in the 2050s, accounting for the average vehicle lifespan of vehicles with internal combustion engine (ICE) power sold before that 2035 date.
“This might read like checking a bureaucratic box, but EPA’s approval is a critical step forward in protecting our lungs from pollution and our wallets from the expenses of combustion fuels,” Paul Cort, director of Earthjustice’s Right To Zero campaign, said in a release. “The gradual shift in car sales to zero-emissions models will cut smog and household costs while growing California’s clean energy workforce. Cutting truck pollution will help clear our skies of smog. EPA should now approve the remaining authorization requests from California to allow the state to clean its air and protect its residents.”
However, the truck drivers' industry group Owner-Operator Independent Drivers Association (OOIDA) pushed back against the federal decision allowing the Omnibus Low-NOx rule to advance. "The Omnibus Low-NOx waiver for California calls into question the policymaking process under the Biden administration's EPA. Purposefully injecting uncertainty into a $588 billion American industry is bad for our economy and makes no meaningful progress towards purported environmental goals," (OOIDA) President Todd Spencer said in a release. "EPA's credibility outside of radical environmental circles would have been better served by working with regulated industries rather than ramming through last-minute special interest favors. We look forward to working with the Trump administration's EPA in good faith towards achievable environmental outcomes.”
Editor's note:This article was revised on December 18 to add reaction from OOIDA.
A Canadian startup that provides AI-powered logistics solutions has gained $5.5 million in seed funding to support its concept of creating a digital platform for global trade, according to Toronto-based Starboard.
The round was led by Eclipse, with participation from previous backers Garuda Ventures and Everywhere Ventures. The firm says it will use its new backing to expand its engineering team in Toronto and accelerate its AI-driven product development to simplify supply chain complexities.
According to Starboard, the logistics industry is under immense pressure to adapt to the growing complexity of global trade, which has hit recent hurdles such as the strike at U.S. east and gulf coast ports. That situation calls for innovative solutions to streamline operations and reduce costs for operators.
As a potential solution, Starboard offers its flagship product, which it defines as an AI-based transportation management system (TMS) and rate management system that helps mid-sized freight forwarders operate more efficiently and win more business. More broadly, Starboard says it is building the virtual infrastructure for global trade, allowing freight companies to leverage AI and machine learning to optimize operations such as processing shipments in real time, reconciling invoices, and following up on payments.
"This investment is a pivotal step in our mission to unlock the power of AI for our customers," said Sumeet Trehan, Co-Founder and CEO of Starboard. "Global trade has long been plagued by inefficiencies that drive up costs and reduce competitiveness. Our platform is designed to empower SMB freight forwarders—the backbone of more than $20 trillion in global trade and $1 trillion in logistics spend—with the tools they need to thrive in this complex ecosystem."