A new administration may mean major change across supply chain
A more business-friendly climate could slow regulatory oversight, be a boon to infrastructure, and reverse favorable union laws. Yet trade would likely suffer.
Mark Solomon joined DC VELOCITY as senior editor in August 2008, and was promoted to his current position on January 1, 2015. He has spent more than 30 years in the transportation, logistics and supply chain management fields as a journalist and public relations professional. From 1989 to 1994, he worked in Washington as a reporter for the Journal of Commerce, covering the aviation and trucking industries, the Department of Transportation, Congress and the U.S. Supreme Court. Prior to that, he worked for Traffic World for seven years in a similar role. From 1994 to 2008, Mr. Solomon ran Media-Based Solutions, a public relations firm based in Atlanta. He graduated in 1978 with a B.A. in journalism from The American University in Washington, D.C.
For many who ship, haul, warehouse, and distribute goods for a living, the legacy of the past eight years will be that of an administration aggressive in its oversight, labor-friendly in its legal thinking, and frustratingly deficient in fulfilling its vow to make infrastructure a critical part of the economic apparatus.
The administration that takes power a little more than two months from today is likely to work from a different blueprint.
President-elect Donald J. Trump has made the nation's infrastructure a "front-burner issue" along with immigration, health care,
and tax reform, according to James H. Burnley IV, transportation secretary during the Reagan Administration and a longtime
Washington attorney. Labor laws that have impacted the transportation and logistics industry may be interpreted in a manner
that doesn't sit well with unions and their advocates accustomed to tailwinds during the Obama Administration, he said.
Trucking companies and commercial drivers, many of whom feel they've had a collective bull's-eye on their backs from
well-intentioned but costly and onerous safety regulations, may see some relief should the new administration decide that
current and proposed regulations be scuttled.
The incoming and outgoing administrations have different ideas about how the world works, and it is apparent that
changes—perhaps radical ones—will take place once President-elect Trump is sworn in. It should also be remembered
that for the first time since 1928 a Republican president would start his term with GOP majorities in both the Senate and the
House.
Infrastructure
The Trump administration has proposed to invest $550 billion in the nation's infrastructure,
double that of his opponent, Hillary Clinton. On its transition web site,
the administration offered no specifics on how it would be done or paid for. What is evident, according to Burnley, is that
the president-elect is open to different and unorthodox ways of getting things done, and that mindset could extend to
infrastructure investment. It is unlikely the Trump administration will push for an increase in the federal motor
fuels tax—which hasn't been raised since 1993—given that tax increases are anathema to Trump. Besides, many states
are already hiking fuels taxes to pay for their own infrastructure improvements.
What may get a closer look in a Trump White House is legislation introduced more than three years ago by Rep. John K.
Delaney, (D-Md.) to create an infrastructure fund seeded by the sale of $50 billion in bonds with 50-year maturities.
U.S. corporations would be encouraged to buy the bonds by repatriating, tax free, part of their foreign earnings, in
return for ownership of the bonds. The fund would then leverage the $50 billion investment to provide many more billions
of dollars in infrastructure loans or guarantees.
Since that time, other bills following the same template had been introduced in Congress, but never went anywhere. The concept
also curried favor with the Obama administration. If such a bill is taken up in the 115th Congress, it will likely be folded into
comprehensive tax reform, according to Burnley, who was one of the earliest and most vocal supporters of Delaney's bill.
Delaney easily won re-election Tuesday night.
What no one disputes is that the nation's infrastructure—which broadly defined encompasses transportation, water, and
broadband—is in dire need of more funding and visibility. The U.S. currently spends 1.3 percent of its gross domestic
product on infrastructure, about 43 percent of what was spent on it in the early 1980s, according to data from CG/LA
Infrastructure Inc., a consultancy. There is no dedicated infrastructure budget, and no cabinet level agency to oversee programs,
the group said, affirming its belief that infrastructure hasn't been a top priority for this or any administration.
Motor Carrier Safety
Whether it be driver "hours of service" regulations; Compliance, Safety and Accountability (CSA) Rules;
a requirement that every truck be equipped with electronic logging devices; or testing drivers for sleep apnea and substance
abuse, the past eight years have witnessed a seemingly never-ending series of unfunded mandates for motor carriers and drivers
to comply with.
Given all of the mandates were aimed at promoting highway safety, it may be bad form for the Trump administration to try to
scuttle them. But that may not stop a Republican Congress from doing so. Kathryn B. Thompson, former Department of Transportation
general counsel in the Obama administration and today a Washington-based attorney, said truck safety would not be a high priority
in a Trump administration. Thompson added, however, that Congress is likely to throttle back some safety regulations, and that
President Trump will sign "any bills that come across his desk" that fulfill Congress' intent.
The most likely targets, she said, are the hours of service rules, and the most controversial aspects of CSA, a grading system
for carriers and drivers that has been embroiled in legal and regulatory battles for years.
One safety measure likely to survive intact is the electronic logging device (ELD) mandate requiring that all fleets, including
owner-operators, install the devices by the end of 2017. The mandate, which was recently upheld by a federal appeals court, has
the support of big truckers and will save money over time as well as enhance safety, Thompson said. Burnley added that Congress
or the Trump administration may delay the implementation date, but neither will gut the rule.
Labor
The last few years have seen transport union interests prevail on several fronts. In a high-profile case,
the ground-delivery unit of Memphis-based FedEx Corp.
agreed in mid-2015 to pay $228 million to settle a suit filed by drivers in
California who alleged the unit improperly classified them as independent contractors.
A 2014 law in New York State made it more difficult for businesses to classify a commercial driver as an employee. Then in
May,
the Department of Labor (DOL) ruled that employers must grant overtime pay to full-time salaried workers making less than
$47,476 a year. The current rules, slated to disappear on Dec. 1, cap overtime eligibility to salaried workers making less than
$23,600 a year.
The public warehousing industry, which employs many salaried workers at the affected thresholds, has argued the new policy will
raise costs and hinder job creation. Joel D. Anderson, former president of the International Warehouse Logistics Association
(IWLA), which is fighting the measure, said there is a strong chance the new administration will gut the rule. The key will be
Trump's pick for Secretary of Labor, Anderson said.
Although a number of the pro-union rulings have emanated from the courts and state legislatures, critics contend that the
impetus comes from a labor-friendly DOL as well as the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB), an independent, three-member panel
nominated by the president to safeguard employees' right to organize and to decide whether to have unions serve as their
bargaining representative with their employer. While employer interests understand the NLRB is structured to protect workers,
they are hopeful the Trump administration will choose board members who will restore some balance between the twin imperatives
of labor and management.
Trade
As a candidate, President-elect Trump voiced strong opposition to the pending Trans-Pacific Partnership
(TPP), the largest regional trade agreement in history, calling it a job-killer for American workers. Yesterday,
it was reported that Sen. Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.) told labor leaders that Congress would not approve the 12-nation pact during the lame-duck
Congressional session that convenes next week, ending the last legislative chance of saving the pact.
As president, Trump would have the authority to negotiate a new trade agreement. However, given his statements on the stump
and animus toward past trade deals such as the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), it is unlikely to happen.
In an impassioned plea highlighting TPP's benefits and the risks of scuttling it, Michael F. Ducker, president of FedEx
Freight, FedEx's less-than-truckload (LTL) unit, said U.S. businesses would lose out on the opportunity to sell to a market
of 480 million consumers living in the TPP-signatory nations outside the U.S. As an example of trade's importance to the
U.S. economy, Ducker noted that plantings on one of every three acres of America's farms would yield crops that are
designated for export.
TPP's rejection will not improve the lot of U.S. workers whose jobs may have been lost to foreign competition,
Ducker told the Journal of Commerce Inland Distribution Conference in Memphis, Tenn., on Wednesday. In fact,
those workers may be further disadvantaged as other nations begin to negotiate their own pacts without U.S. involvement,
he said.
Congestion on U.S. highways is costing the trucking industry big, according to research from the American Transportation Research Institute (ATRI), released today.
The group found that traffic congestion on U.S. highways added $108.8 billion in costs to the trucking industry in 2022, a record high. The information comes from ATRI’s Cost of Congestion study, which is part of the organization’s ongoing highway performance measurement research.
Total hours of congestion fell slightly compared to 2021 due to softening freight market conditions, but the cost of operating a truck increased at a much higher rate, according to the research. As a result, the overall cost of congestion increased by 15% year-over-year—a level equivalent to more than 430,000 commercial truck drivers sitting idle for one work year and an average cost of $7,588 for every registered combination truck.
The analysis also identified metropolitan delays and related impacts, showing that the top 10 most-congested states each experienced added costs of more than $8 billion. That list was led by Texas, at $9.17 billion in added costs; California, at $8.77 billion; and Florida, $8.44 billion. Rounding out the top 10 list were New York, Georgia, New Jersey, Illinois, Pennsylvania, Louisiana, and Tennessee. Combined, the top 10 states account for more than half of the trucking industry’s congestion costs nationwide—52%, according to the research.
The metro areas with the highest congestion costs include New York City, $6.68 billion; Miami, $3.2 billion; and Chicago, $3.14 billion.
ATRI’s analysis also found that the trucking industry wasted more than 6.4 billion gallons of diesel fuel in 2022 due to congestion, resulting in additional fuel costs of $32.1 billion.
ATRI used a combination of data sources, including its truck GPS database and Operational Costs study benchmarks, to calculate the impacts of trucking delays on major U.S. roadways.
There’s a photo from 1971 that John Kent, professor of supply chain management at the University of Arkansas, likes to show. It’s of a shaggy-haired 18-year-old named Glenn Cowan grinning at three-time world table tennis champion Zhuang Zedong, while holding a silk tapestry Zhuang had just given him. Cowan was a member of the U.S. table tennis team who participated in the 1971 World Table Tennis Championships in Nagoya, Japan. Story has it that one morning, he overslept and missed his bus to the tournament and had to hitch a ride with the Chinese national team and met and connected with Zhuang.
Cowan and Zhuang’s interaction led to an invitation for the U.S. team to visit China. At the time, the two countries were just beginning to emerge from a 20-year period of decidedly frosty relations, strict travel bans, and trade restrictions. The highly publicized trip signaled a willingness on both sides to renew relations and launched the term “pingpong diplomacy.”
Kent, who is a senior fellow at the George H. W. Bush Foundation for U.S.-China Relations, believes the photograph is a good reminder that some 50-odd years ago, the economies of the United States and China were not as tightly interwoven as they are today. At the time, the Nixon administration was looking to form closer political and economic ties between the two countries in hopes of reducing chances of future conflict (and to weaken alliances among Communist countries).
The signals coming out of Washington and Beijing are now, of course, much different than they were in the early 1970s. Instead of advocating for better relations, political rhetoric focuses on the need for the U.S. to “decouple” from China. Both Republicans and Democrats have warned that the U.S. economy is too dependent on goods manufactured in China. They see this dependency as a threat to economic strength, American jobs, supply chain resiliency, and national security.
Supply chain professionals, however, know that extricating ourselves from our reliance on Chinese manufacturing is easier said than done. Many pundits push for a “China + 1” strategy, where companies diversify their manufacturing and sourcing options beyond China. But in reality, that “plus one” is often a Chinese company operating in a different country or a non-Chinese manufacturer that is still heavily dependent on material or subcomponents made in China.
This is the problem when supply chain decisions are made on a global scale without input from supply chain professionals. In an article in the Arkansas Democrat-Gazette, Kent argues that, “The discussions on supply chains mainly take place between government officials who typically bring many other competing issues and agendas to the table. Corporate entities—the individuals and companies directly impacted by supply chains—tend to be under-represented in the conversation.”
Kent is a proponent of what he calls “supply chain diplomacy,” where experts from academia and industry from the U.S. and China work collaboratively to create better, more efficient global supply chains. Take, for example, the “Peace Beans” project that Kent is involved with. This project, jointly formed by Zhejiang University and the Bush China Foundation, proposes balancing supply chains by exporting soybeans from Arkansas to tofu producers in China’s Yunnan province, and, in return, importing coffee beans grown in Yunnan to coffee roasters in Arkansas. Kent believes the operation could even use the same transportation equipment.
The benefits of working collaboratively—instead of continuing to build friction in the supply chain through tariffs and adversarial relationships—are numerous, according to Kent and his colleagues. They believe it would be much better if the two major world economies worked together on issues like global inflation, climate change, and artificial intelligence.
And such relations could play a significant role in strengthening world peace, particularly in light of ongoing tensions over Taiwan. Because, as Kent writes, “The 19th-century idea that ‘When goods don’t cross borders, soldiers will’ is as true today as ever. Perhaps more so.”
Hyster-Yale Materials Handling today announced its plans to fulfill the domestic manufacturing requirements of the Build America, Buy America (BABA) Act for certain portions of its lineup of forklift trucks and container handling equipment.
That means the Greenville, North Carolina-based company now plans to expand its existing American manufacturing with a targeted set of high-capacity models, including electric options, that align with the needs of infrastructure projects subject to BABA requirements. The company’s plans include determining the optimal production location in the United States, strategically expanding sourcing agreements to meet local material requirements, and further developing electric power options for high-capacity equipment.
As a part of the 2021 Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act, the BABA Act aims to increase the use of American-made materials in federally funded infrastructure projects across the U.S., Hyster-Yale says. It was enacted as part of a broader effort to boost domestic manufacturing and economic growth, and mandates that federal dollars allocated to infrastructure – such as roads, bridges, ports and public transit systems – must prioritize materials produced in the USA, including critical items like steel, iron and various construction materials.
Hyster-Yale’s footprint in the U.S. is spread across 10 locations, including three manufacturing facilities.
“Our leadership is fully invested in meeting the needs of businesses that require BABA-compliant material handling solutions,” Tony Salgado, Hyster-Yale’s chief operating officer, said in a release. “We are working to partner with our key domestic suppliers, as well as identifying how best to leverage our own American manufacturing footprint to deliver a competitive solution for our customers and stakeholders. But beyond mere compliance, and in line with the many areas of our business where we are evolving to better support our customers, our commitment remains steadfast. We are dedicated to delivering industry-leading standards in design, durability and performance — qualities that have become synonymous with our brands worldwide and that our customers have come to rely on and expect.”
In a separate move, the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) also gave its approval for the state to advance its Heavy-Duty Omnibus Rule, which is crafted to significantly reduce smog-forming nitrogen oxide (NOx) emissions from new heavy-duty, diesel-powered trucks.
Both rules are intended to deliver health benefits to California citizens affected by vehicle pollution, according to the environmental group Earthjustice. If the state gets federal approval for the final steps to become law, the rules mean that cars on the road in California will largely be zero-emissions a generation from now in the 2050s, accounting for the average vehicle lifespan of vehicles with internal combustion engine (ICE) power sold before that 2035 date.
“This might read like checking a bureaucratic box, but EPA’s approval is a critical step forward in protecting our lungs from pollution and our wallets from the expenses of combustion fuels,” Paul Cort, director of Earthjustice’s Right To Zero campaign, said in a release. “The gradual shift in car sales to zero-emissions models will cut smog and household costs while growing California’s clean energy workforce. Cutting truck pollution will help clear our skies of smog. EPA should now approve the remaining authorization requests from California to allow the state to clean its air and protect its residents.”
However, the truck drivers' industry group Owner-Operator Independent Drivers Association (OOIDA) pushed back against the federal decision allowing the Omnibus Low-NOx rule to advance. "The Omnibus Low-NOx waiver for California calls into question the policymaking process under the Biden administration's EPA. Purposefully injecting uncertainty into a $588 billion American industry is bad for our economy and makes no meaningful progress towards purported environmental goals," (OOIDA) President Todd Spencer said in a release. "EPA's credibility outside of radical environmental circles would have been better served by working with regulated industries rather than ramming through last-minute special interest favors. We look forward to working with the Trump administration's EPA in good faith towards achievable environmental outcomes.”
Editor's note:This article was revised on December 18 to add reaction from OOIDA.
A Canadian startup that provides AI-powered logistics solutions has gained $5.5 million in seed funding to support its concept of creating a digital platform for global trade, according to Toronto-based Starboard.
The round was led by Eclipse, with participation from previous backers Garuda Ventures and Everywhere Ventures. The firm says it will use its new backing to expand its engineering team in Toronto and accelerate its AI-driven product development to simplify supply chain complexities.
According to Starboard, the logistics industry is under immense pressure to adapt to the growing complexity of global trade, which has hit recent hurdles such as the strike at U.S. east and gulf coast ports. That situation calls for innovative solutions to streamline operations and reduce costs for operators.
As a potential solution, Starboard offers its flagship product, which it defines as an AI-based transportation management system (TMS) and rate management system that helps mid-sized freight forwarders operate more efficiently and win more business. More broadly, Starboard says it is building the virtual infrastructure for global trade, allowing freight companies to leverage AI and machine learning to optimize operations such as processing shipments in real time, reconciling invoices, and following up on payments.
"This investment is a pivotal step in our mission to unlock the power of AI for our customers," said Sumeet Trehan, Co-Founder and CEO of Starboard. "Global trade has long been plagued by inefficiencies that drive up costs and reduce competitiveness. Our platform is designed to empower SMB freight forwarders—the backbone of more than $20 trillion in global trade and $1 trillion in logistics spend—with the tools they need to thrive in this complex ecosystem."