Contributing Editor Toby Gooley is a writer and editor specializing in supply chain, logistics, and material handling, and a lecturer at MIT's Center for Transportation & Logistics. She previously was Senior Editor at DC VELOCITY and Editor of DCV's sister publication, CSCMP's Supply Chain Quarterly. Prior to joining AGiLE Business Media in 2007, she spent 20 years at Logistics Management magazine as Managing Editor and Senior Editor covering international trade and transportation. Prior to that she was an export traffic manager for 10 years. She holds a B.A. in Asian Studies from Cornell University.
Nearly a month after the collapse of Hanjin Shipping Co., the world's seventh-largest container line, the most pressing issue now facing the Korean carrier's customers is how to retrieve the estimated $14 billion worth of goods still on board its container ships.
Hanjin's collapse has left vessels and containers stranded at or near ports worldwide because there had been no money to pay for the loading and unloading of containers. Terminal operators at a number of ports have refused to release Hanjin's containers until the cargo's consignees paid either a security deposit or the terminal-handling fee that the carrier would have normally paid. The Hong Kong Shippers Council decried that practice, calling it an illegal lien on Hanjin's customers that should rightly be levied against the carrier.
Thanks to a late infusion of cash from investors and creditors, Hanjin can now cover the cost of docking and unloading for some of its ships. The carrier, which left the maritime supply chain in chaos when it filed for bankruptcy protection Aug. 31, has been discharging containers in countries or ports where its ships are protected from seizure.
Once containers leave the vessel, customers will have to pay to retrieve their own goods. It won't be cheap. Hanjin has said it will only provide port-to-port delivery and has "disavowed" any on-forwarding or inland delivery it had contracted to perform under its through bills of lading, according to Richard L. Furman, an attorney with the law firm Carroll, McNulty & Kull who specializes in international and domestic transportation and trade. The shipper, the consignee, or the ocean consolidator (also known as an NVOCC) can be responsible for paying any handling charges required to release the shipment, as well as on-forwarding and inland delivery, Furman said. As a practical matter, however, the importer in the country where those services are contracted will be responsible for payment, he said in an e-mail.
This creates a potential nightmare for importers. In many cases, containers are being discharged far from their intended destinations. The additional costs could include such things as freight charges for a substitute carrier, the container and chassis rental, and local and inland drayage for both the full and the empty container. All of this is on top of the freight and ancillary charges that were specified in the original bill of lading.
"A lot of shippers don't understand that the carrier holds the cards when you have a situation like this," said Rick Bridges, a vice president with the international insurance firm Roanoke Trade, in an interview. "The bill of lading is a contract the shipper and carrier have agreed to. The carrier can legally, by the 'hindrance' clause, end responsibility for the cargo wherever it chooses," he said. "For example, you could have cargo coming from the Far East to the U.S., and Hanjin could decide to unload in Australia. You still owe the full freight amount, and now you also have to pay to get your cargo to its original destination."
Things are only slightly better for exporters. Hanjin previously said it would require exporters that had already loaded their containers to strip out the contents and return the empty boxes at their own expense. The carrier told a federal bankruptcy court on Friday that it would not charge U.S. shippers for the late return of boxes.
CONTRACT COMPLICATIONS
Hanjin is a member of the CKYHE vessel-sharing agreement (VSA), and many of the containers on its ships belong to the other VSA members: COSCO Container Lines, "K" Line, Yang Ming Line, and Evergreen Line. Because those shipments were carried under the other carriers' bills of lading, Furman said, those carriers "are responsible for performance of their contracts of carriage as if they were on one of their own vessels."
But nothing is simple, he added. The other carriers' contract of carriage and tariff rules, any service agreement they may have with a shipper or NVOCC under which they agreed to transport goods, and the terms of the VSA agreement with Hanjin may also come into play.
"It is my opinion that VSAs will have the first responsibility to secure the offloading of their goods from the Hanjin vessels, at their expense, and then work out the rest with the cargo interests and their agents as to who will bear any additional costs as a consequence of the situation, and if and to what extent the VSA members bear any liability for loss, damage, or delay that occurred to the goods while held up on the Hanjin vessels," Furman said.
Although service contracts, the annual agreements between shippers (including importers, exporters, NVOCCs, and shippers' associations) that specify pricing, terms of service, and performance obligations for both customer and carrier, are legal contracts, Hanjin may now be off the hook to some extent, according to Furman. That's because, in general, the terms of such commercial agreements "cannot obviate or override the bankruptcy code or the discretion of the court to administer the estate of the bankrupt," he said.
Yet service contracts could potentially cause additional tension between Hanjin and NVOCCs, a major part of the liner's customer base. Carriers' rate agreements with consolidators generally provide cheaper box rates in exchange for a commitment to book a minimum number of containers over a specified period, said Furman. It is safe to assume, he said, that many of those agreements will not be fully performed by NVOCCs due to the bankruptcy. This would result in a technical breach of the agreement, which ordinarily would "entitle Hanjin to demand the higher container rate that would have been charged if no rate agreement existed," Furman said.
The concern for NVOCCs, he explained, is whether the trustee or receiver of Hanjin's bankrupt estate will seek to recover the additional freight charges due as a result of the NVOCCs' inability to meet the volume commitment in their rate agreements, even though they were prevented from doing so by the bankruptcy. "It seems illogical that such an eventuality might arise, but stranger things have happened," he said.
Shippers that are looking to their cargo insurance carriers to cover the extra costs they incur as a result of Hanjin's bankruptcy should clarify with their insurer what would be covered and what would not, Bridges said. For instance, a shipper can't just abandon cargo and expect insurance to pay for that loss. "Under most cargo policies you're obliged to get your shipment to the intended destination and to minimize physical loss or damage," he explained. "Abandonment is not an option unless the shipper wants to bear all of the costs itself." Every policy is different, however, and Bridges and other experts recommend that if they haven't already done so, cargo interests notify their insurance provider now that they may file a claim, and discuss coverage details.
Congestion on U.S. highways is costing the trucking industry big, according to research from the American Transportation Research Institute (ATRI), released today.
The group found that traffic congestion on U.S. highways added $108.8 billion in costs to the trucking industry in 2022, a record high. The information comes from ATRI’s Cost of Congestion study, which is part of the organization’s ongoing highway performance measurement research.
Total hours of congestion fell slightly compared to 2021 due to softening freight market conditions, but the cost of operating a truck increased at a much higher rate, according to the research. As a result, the overall cost of congestion increased by 15% year-over-year—a level equivalent to more than 430,000 commercial truck drivers sitting idle for one work year and an average cost of $7,588 for every registered combination truck.
The analysis also identified metropolitan delays and related impacts, showing that the top 10 most-congested states each experienced added costs of more than $8 billion. That list was led by Texas, at $9.17 billion in added costs; California, at $8.77 billion; and Florida, $8.44 billion. Rounding out the top 10 list were New York, Georgia, New Jersey, Illinois, Pennsylvania, Louisiana, and Tennessee. Combined, the top 10 states account for more than half of the trucking industry’s congestion costs nationwide—52%, according to the research.
The metro areas with the highest congestion costs include New York City, $6.68 billion; Miami, $3.2 billion; and Chicago, $3.14 billion.
ATRI’s analysis also found that the trucking industry wasted more than 6.4 billion gallons of diesel fuel in 2022 due to congestion, resulting in additional fuel costs of $32.1 billion.
ATRI used a combination of data sources, including its truck GPS database and Operational Costs study benchmarks, to calculate the impacts of trucking delays on major U.S. roadways.
There’s a photo from 1971 that John Kent, professor of supply chain management at the University of Arkansas, likes to show. It’s of a shaggy-haired 18-year-old named Glenn Cowan grinning at three-time world table tennis champion Zhuang Zedong, while holding a silk tapestry Zhuang had just given him. Cowan was a member of the U.S. table tennis team who participated in the 1971 World Table Tennis Championships in Nagoya, Japan. Story has it that one morning, he overslept and missed his bus to the tournament and had to hitch a ride with the Chinese national team and met and connected with Zhuang.
Cowan and Zhuang’s interaction led to an invitation for the U.S. team to visit China. At the time, the two countries were just beginning to emerge from a 20-year period of decidedly frosty relations, strict travel bans, and trade restrictions. The highly publicized trip signaled a willingness on both sides to renew relations and launched the term “pingpong diplomacy.”
Kent, who is a senior fellow at the George H. W. Bush Foundation for U.S.-China Relations, believes the photograph is a good reminder that some 50-odd years ago, the economies of the United States and China were not as tightly interwoven as they are today. At the time, the Nixon administration was looking to form closer political and economic ties between the two countries in hopes of reducing chances of future conflict (and to weaken alliances among Communist countries).
The signals coming out of Washington and Beijing are now, of course, much different than they were in the early 1970s. Instead of advocating for better relations, political rhetoric focuses on the need for the U.S. to “decouple” from China. Both Republicans and Democrats have warned that the U.S. economy is too dependent on goods manufactured in China. They see this dependency as a threat to economic strength, American jobs, supply chain resiliency, and national security.
Supply chain professionals, however, know that extricating ourselves from our reliance on Chinese manufacturing is easier said than done. Many pundits push for a “China + 1” strategy, where companies diversify their manufacturing and sourcing options beyond China. But in reality, that “plus one” is often a Chinese company operating in a different country or a non-Chinese manufacturer that is still heavily dependent on material or subcomponents made in China.
This is the problem when supply chain decisions are made on a global scale without input from supply chain professionals. In an article in the Arkansas Democrat-Gazette, Kent argues that, “The discussions on supply chains mainly take place between government officials who typically bring many other competing issues and agendas to the table. Corporate entities—the individuals and companies directly impacted by supply chains—tend to be under-represented in the conversation.”
Kent is a proponent of what he calls “supply chain diplomacy,” where experts from academia and industry from the U.S. and China work collaboratively to create better, more efficient global supply chains. Take, for example, the “Peace Beans” project that Kent is involved with. This project, jointly formed by Zhejiang University and the Bush China Foundation, proposes balancing supply chains by exporting soybeans from Arkansas to tofu producers in China’s Yunnan province, and, in return, importing coffee beans grown in Yunnan to coffee roasters in Arkansas. Kent believes the operation could even use the same transportation equipment.
The benefits of working collaboratively—instead of continuing to build friction in the supply chain through tariffs and adversarial relationships—are numerous, according to Kent and his colleagues. They believe it would be much better if the two major world economies worked together on issues like global inflation, climate change, and artificial intelligence.
And such relations could play a significant role in strengthening world peace, particularly in light of ongoing tensions over Taiwan. Because, as Kent writes, “The 19th-century idea that ‘When goods don’t cross borders, soldiers will’ is as true today as ever. Perhaps more so.”
Hyster-Yale Materials Handling today announced its plans to fulfill the domestic manufacturing requirements of the Build America, Buy America (BABA) Act for certain portions of its lineup of forklift trucks and container handling equipment.
That means the Greenville, North Carolina-based company now plans to expand its existing American manufacturing with a targeted set of high-capacity models, including electric options, that align with the needs of infrastructure projects subject to BABA requirements. The company’s plans include determining the optimal production location in the United States, strategically expanding sourcing agreements to meet local material requirements, and further developing electric power options for high-capacity equipment.
As a part of the 2021 Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act, the BABA Act aims to increase the use of American-made materials in federally funded infrastructure projects across the U.S., Hyster-Yale says. It was enacted as part of a broader effort to boost domestic manufacturing and economic growth, and mandates that federal dollars allocated to infrastructure – such as roads, bridges, ports and public transit systems – must prioritize materials produced in the USA, including critical items like steel, iron and various construction materials.
Hyster-Yale’s footprint in the U.S. is spread across 10 locations, including three manufacturing facilities.
“Our leadership is fully invested in meeting the needs of businesses that require BABA-compliant material handling solutions,” Tony Salgado, Hyster-Yale’s chief operating officer, said in a release. “We are working to partner with our key domestic suppliers, as well as identifying how best to leverage our own American manufacturing footprint to deliver a competitive solution for our customers and stakeholders. But beyond mere compliance, and in line with the many areas of our business where we are evolving to better support our customers, our commitment remains steadfast. We are dedicated to delivering industry-leading standards in design, durability and performance — qualities that have become synonymous with our brands worldwide and that our customers have come to rely on and expect.”
In a separate move, the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) also gave its approval for the state to advance its Heavy-Duty Omnibus Rule, which is crafted to significantly reduce smog-forming nitrogen oxide (NOx) emissions from new heavy-duty, diesel-powered trucks.
Both rules are intended to deliver health benefits to California citizens affected by vehicle pollution, according to the environmental group Earthjustice. If the state gets federal approval for the final steps to become law, the rules mean that cars on the road in California will largely be zero-emissions a generation from now in the 2050s, accounting for the average vehicle lifespan of vehicles with internal combustion engine (ICE) power sold before that 2035 date.
“This might read like checking a bureaucratic box, but EPA’s approval is a critical step forward in protecting our lungs from pollution and our wallets from the expenses of combustion fuels,” Paul Cort, director of Earthjustice’s Right To Zero campaign, said in a release. “The gradual shift in car sales to zero-emissions models will cut smog and household costs while growing California’s clean energy workforce. Cutting truck pollution will help clear our skies of smog. EPA should now approve the remaining authorization requests from California to allow the state to clean its air and protect its residents.”
However, the truck drivers' industry group Owner-Operator Independent Drivers Association (OOIDA) pushed back against the federal decision allowing the Omnibus Low-NOx rule to advance. "The Omnibus Low-NOx waiver for California calls into question the policymaking process under the Biden administration's EPA. Purposefully injecting uncertainty into a $588 billion American industry is bad for our economy and makes no meaningful progress towards purported environmental goals," (OOIDA) President Todd Spencer said in a release. "EPA's credibility outside of radical environmental circles would have been better served by working with regulated industries rather than ramming through last-minute special interest favors. We look forward to working with the Trump administration's EPA in good faith towards achievable environmental outcomes.”
Editor's note:This article was revised on December 18 to add reaction from OOIDA.
Global trade will see a moderate rebound in 2025, likely growing by 3.6% in volume terms, helped by companies restocking and households renewing purchases of durable goods while reducing spending on services, according to a forecast from trade credit insurer Allianz Trade.
The end of the year for 2024 will also likely be supported by companies rushing to ship goods in anticipation of the higher tariffs likely to be imposed by the coming Trump administration, and other potential disruptions in the coming quarters, the report said.
However, that tailwind for global trade will likely shift to a headwind once the effects of a renewed but contained trade war are felt from the second half of 2025 and in full in 2026. As a result, Allianz Trade has throttled back its predictions, saying that global trade in volume will grow by 2.8% in 2025 (reduced by 0.2 percentage points vs. its previous forecast) and 2.3% in 2026 (reduced by 0.5 percentage points).
The same logic applies to Allianz Trade’s forecast for export prices in U.S. dollars, which the firm has now revised downward to predict growth reaching 2.3% in 2025 (reduced by 1.7 percentage points) and 4.1% in 2026 (reduced by 0.8 percentage points).
In the meantime, the rush to frontload imports into the U.S. is giving freight carriers an early Christmas present. According to Allianz Trade, data released last week showed Chinese exports rising by a robust 6.7% y/y in November. And imports of some consumer goods that have been threatened with a likely 25% tariff under the new Trump administration have outperformed even more, growing by nearly 20% y/y on average between July and September.