Mark Solomon joined DC VELOCITY as senior editor in August 2008, and was promoted to his current position on January 1, 2015. He has spent more than 30 years in the transportation, logistics and supply chain management fields as a journalist and public relations professional. From 1989 to 1994, he worked in Washington as a reporter for the Journal of Commerce, covering the aviation and trucking industries, the Department of Transportation, Congress and the U.S. Supreme Court. Prior to that, he worked for Traffic World for seven years in a similar role. From 1994 to 2008, Mr. Solomon ran Media-Based Solutions, a public relations firm based in Atlanta. He graduated in 1978 with a B.A. in journalism from The American University in Washington, D.C.
The five-year, $305 billion federal transport spending bill negotiated by House and Senate conferees has given freight interests the best seat at the table they've ever had. But freight is still not on the dais.
The compromise version, announced yesterday afternoon, allocates $4.5 billion in grants for what are considered "nationally significant" freight and highway projects. The program provides up to $500 million in funding for nonhighway projects that nevertheless improve the movement of highway freight. The bill provides an additional $6.3 billion to a formula program that states can use to facilitate freight mobility on a national-highway freight network. It also creates a multimodal freight policy, and it directs the Department of Transportation to establish a multimodal freight network that would identify the segments of the national freight-moving system most critical to goods transport. The industry has lobbied for years to have such an endeavor codified.
The bill, known as the "Fixing America's Surface Transportation" (FAST) Act, now returns to the House and Senate for floor votes. Each chamber must adopt the bill and vote for its final passage. If that happens, the bill is sent to President Obama's desk for signature. The current law, which was signed in July 2012 and has since been living on short-term extensions, expires Dec. 4. The so-called FAST Act would be the first transport-spending bill since 2005 that was more than 27 months in duration.
Never before has freight been showered with so much money and attention from a federal transport-spending bill. For the Coalition for America's Gateways and Trade Corridors (CAGTC), a public-private intermodal advocacy group that has spent 15 years arguing for a minimum $2 billion annual investment in the nation's freight network, the outcome was all it could have hoped for. "We are thrilled to see conferees recognize so many of the coalition's long-standing priorities," CAGTC President Leslie Blakey said in a statement. Blakey said the size of the proposed funding would "increase the efficiency and reliability" of the nation's transport and logistics network.
From a process standpoint, the bill streamlines the path of funding freight projects, which are generally large in scale and which cross multiple jurisdictions, causing delays and conflicts, according to CAGTC.
Despite the funding breakthrough, freight interests—particularly the trucking industry—got almost nothing that they sought. Negotiators dropped an amendment that would have established a federal hiring standard for motor carriers. The initial proposal would have deemed a trucker to be fit if it were properly licensed, had sufficient insurance, and received a better than unsatisfactory safety rating from the Federal Motor Carrier Safety Administration (FMCSA), the agency that oversees the truck, freight brokerage, and freight forwarding sectors. The amendment, which had been contained in the House's version of transport funding legislation, would have qualified a motor carrier as fit even if it were unrated by FMCSA.
Industry groups said that because the agency lacks the resources to conduct full safety reviews of most of the nation's 530,000 registered truckers, the original bill threatened to exclude thousands of operators that remain unrated, yet operate in a satisfactory manner.
Negotiators also dropped an amendment requiring DOT to develop a program allowing licensed drivers between the ages of 19 years, six months, old and 21 years old to operate commercial motor vehicles in interstate commerce as long as the routes were between adjacent states that enter into special bistate agreements. Currently, commercial drivers under the age of 21 cannot drive across state lines, though they can operate within the boundaries of their state of residence. However, conferees adopted a pilot program allowing certain under-21 military veterans to drive across state lines.
Conferees agreed to language directing FMCSA to commission a three-year study by the Transportation Research Board (TRB) of the agency's controversial "Compliance, Safety, and Accountability" program (CSA), which grades carriers based on a series of metrics and then assigns them performance scores under what is known as a Safety Measurement System, or SMS. The bill requires FMCSA to remove SMS scores and analysis, but allows the raw data used to compile the scores to remain in public view. On that score, negotiators bowed to the language contained in the Senate version of transport funding legislation, which was passed in July. The House version, passed in early November, would have removed all data elements from public scrutiny. CSA's critics argue that the scores are based on flawed methodology, and discriminate against many of the thousands of truckers that operate safely and legally.
The legislation does not call for raising excise taxes on diesel fuel and gasoline, the primary mechanism for funding transport projects, keeping the tax levels unchanged for the 22nd year. The bill would be financed in part by a one-time $19 billion draw of Federal Reserve surplus funds and by a cut in the 6-percent dividend that national banks receive from the Fed. The dividend would be reduced by an amount tied to yields on 10-year U.S. Treasuries, currently about 2.2 percent. If Treasury yields rose higher than 6 percent, the Fed wouldn't pay the banks more. Banks with $10 billion or less in assets would be exempt from the cut.
Funds would also be raised by selling oil from the nation's Strategic Petroleum Reserve, which serves as an emergency source of oil in the event overseas supplies are disrupted. The reserve stood at 695.1 million barrels as of the end of November, below its capacity of 727 million barrels.
As the conference bill returns to both chambers, the debate may now center on the manner in which the programs would be paid for. Sen. Tom Carper (D-Del.) has already gone on record saying he would vote against the legislation because the conferees resorted to accounting gimmickry and other revenue-raising techniques that have nothing to do with transportation. Carper had proposed a doubling of motor-fuels taxes that would go directly toward road infrastructure improvements.
For the freight industry, the conferees' report, though not ideal, is a significant improvement over what had—or had not—come before. Not only will there be a higher level of stability that comes with a five-year funding timetable, but the freight side, which has historically been shunted to the back of the bus when it came to Congressional funding, has finally realized tangible benefits from the process. "While not perfect, this bill is a tremendous step forward for trucking in many respects," said Pat Thomas, senior vice president of state government affairs for Atlanta-based UPS Inc. and chairman of the American Trucking Associations (ATA), the trade group representing the nation's largest motor carriers.
Most of the apparel sold in North America is manufactured in Asia, meaning the finished goods travel long distances to reach end markets, with all the associated greenhouse gas emissions. On top of that, apparel manufacturing itself requires a significant amount of energy, water, and raw materials like cotton. Overall, the production of apparel is responsible for about 2% of the world’s total greenhouse gas emissions, according to a report titled
Taking Stock of Progress Against the Roadmap to Net Zeroby the Apparel Impact Institute. Founded in 2017, the Apparel Impact Institute is an organization dedicated to identifying, funding, and then scaling solutions aimed at reducing the carbon emissions and other environmental impacts of the apparel and textile industries.
The author of this annual study is researcher and consultant Michael Sadowski. He wrote the first report in 2021 as well as the latest edition, which was released earlier this year. Sadowski, who is also executive director of the environmental nonprofit
The Circulate Initiative, recently joined DC Velocity Group Editorial Director David Maloney on an episode of the “Logistics Matters” podcast to discuss the key findings of the research, what companies are doing to reduce emissions, and the progress they’ve made since the first report was issued.
A: While companies in the apparel industry can set their own sustainability targets, we realized there was a need to give them a blueprint for actually reducing emissions. And so, we produced the first report back in 2021, where we laid out the emissions from the sector, based on the best estimates [we could make using] data from various sources. It gives companies and the sector a blueprint for what we collectively need to do to drive toward the ambitious reduction [target] of staying within a 1.5 degrees Celsius pathway. That was the first report, and then we committed to refresh the analysis on an annual basis. The second report was published last year, and the third report came out in May of this year.
Q: What were some of the key findings of your research?
A: We found that about half of the emissions in the sector come from Tier Two, which is essentially textile production. That includes the knitting, weaving, dyeing, and finishing of fabric, which together account for over half of the total emissions. That was a really important finding, and it allows us to focus our attention on the interventions that can drive those emissions down.
Raw material production accounts for another quarter of emissions. That includes cotton farming, extracting gas and oil from the ground to make synthetics, and things like that. So we now have a really keen understanding of the source of our industry’s emissions.
Q: Your report mentions that the apparel industry is responsible for about 2% of global emissions. Is that an accurate statistic?
A: That’s our best estimate of the total emissions [generated by] the apparel sector. Some other reports on the industry have apparel at up to 8% of global emissions. And there is a commonly misquoted number in the media that it’s 10%. From my perspective, I think the best estimate is somewhere under 2%.
We know that globally, humankind needs to reduce emissions by roughly half by 2030 and reach net zero by 2050 to hit international goals. [Reaching that target will require the involvement of] every facet of the global economy and every aspect of the apparel sector—transportation, material production, manufacturing, cotton farming. Through our work and that of others, I think the apparel sector understands what has to happen. We have highlighted examples of how companies are taking action to reduce emissions in the roadmap reports.
Q: What are some of those actions the industry can take to reduce emissions?
A: I think one of the positive developments since we wrote the first report is that we’re seeing companies really focus on the most impactful areas. We see companies diving deep on thermal energy, for example. With respect to Tier Two, we [focus] a lot of attention on things like ocean freight versus air. There’s a rule of thumb I’ve heard that indicates air freight is about 10 times the cost [of ocean] and also produces 10 times more greenhouse gas emissions.
There is money available to invest in sustainability efforts. It’s really exciting to see the funding that’s coming through for AI [artificial intelligence] and to see that individual companies, such as H&M and Lululemon, are investing in real solutions in their supply chains. I think a lot of concrete actions are being taken.
And yet we know that reducing emissions by half on an absolute basis by 2030 is a monumental undertaking. So I don’t want to be overly optimistic, because I think we have a lot of work to do. But I do think we’ve got some amazing progress happening.
Q: You mentioned several companies that are starting to address their emissions. Is that a result of their being more aware of the emissions they generate? Have you seen progress made since the first report came out in 2021?
A: Yes. When we published the first roadmap back in 2021, our statistics showed that only about 12 companies had met the criteria [for setting] science-based targets. In 2024, the number of apparel, textile, and footwear companies that have set targets or have commitments to set targets is close to 500. It’s an enormous increase. I think they see the urgency more than other sectors do.
We have companies that have been working at sustainability for quite a long time. I think the apparel sector has developed a keen understanding of the impacts of climate change. You can see the impacts of flooding, drought, heat, and other things happening in places like Bangladesh and Pakistan and India. If you’re a brand or a manufacturer and you have operations and supply chains in these places, I think you understand what the future will look like if we don’t significantly reduce emissions.
Q: There are different categories of emission levels, depending on the role within the supply chain. Scope 1 are “direct” emissions under the reporting company’s control. For apparel, this might be the production of raw materials or the manufacturing of the finished product. Scope 2 covers “indirect” emissions from purchased energy, such as electricity used in these processes. Scope 3 emissions are harder to track, as they include emissions from supply chain partners both upstream and downstream.
Now companies are finding there are legislative efforts around the world that could soon require them to track and report on all these emissions, including emissions produced by their partners’ supply chains. Does this mean that companies now need to be more aware of not only what greenhouse gas emissions they produce, but also what their partners produce?
A: That’s right. Just to put this into context, if you’re a brand like an Adidas or a Gap, you still have to consider the Scope 3 emissions. In particular, there are the so-called “purchased goods and services,” which refers to all of the embedded emissions in your products, from farming cotton to knitting yarn to making fabric. Those “purchased goods and services” generally account for well above 80% of the total emissions associated with a product. It’s by far the most significant portion of your emissions.
Leading companies have begun measuring and taking action on Scope 3 emissions because of regulatory developments in Europe and, to some extent now, in California. I do think this is just a further tailwind for the work that the industry is doing.
I also think it will definitely ratchet up the quality requirements of Scope 3 data, which is not yet where we’d all like it to be. Companies are working to improve that data, but I think the regulatory push will make the quality side increasingly important.
Q: Overall, do you think the work being done by the Apparel Impact Institute will help reduce greenhouse gas emissions within the industry?
A: When we started this back in 2020, we were at a place where companies were setting targets and knew their intended destination, but what they needed was a blueprint for how to get there. And so, the roadmap [provided] this blueprint and identified six key things that the sector needed to do—from using more sustainable materials to deploying renewable electricity in the supply chain.
Decarbonizing any sector, whether it’s transportation, chemicals, or automotive, requires investment. The Apparel Impact Institute is bringing collective investment, which is so critical. I’m really optimistic about what they’re doing. They have taken a data-driven, evidence-based approach, so they know where the emissions are and they know what the needed interventions are. And they’ve got the industry behind them in doing that.
Chief supply chain officers (CSCOs) must proactively embrace a geopolitically elastic supply chain strategy to support their organizations’ growth objectives, according to a report from analyst group Gartner Inc.
An elastic supply chain capability, which can expand or contract supply in response to geopolitical risks, provides supply chain organizations with greater flexibility and efficacy than operating from a single geopolitical bloc, the report said.
"The natural response to recent geopolitical tensions has been to operate within ‘trust boundaries,’ which are geographical areas deemed comfortable for business operations,” Pierfrancesco Manenti, VP analyst in Gartner’s Supply Chain practice, said in a release.
“However, there is a risk that these strategies are taken too far, as maintaining access to global markets and their growth opportunities cannot be fulfilled by operating within just one geopolitical bloc. Instead, CSCOs should embrace a more flexible approach that reflects the fluid nature of geopolitical risks and positions the supply chain for new opportunities to support growth,” Manenti said.
Accordingly, Gartner recommends that CSCOs consider a strategy that is flexible enough to pursue growth amid current and future geopolitical challenges, rather than attempting to permanently shield their supply chains from these risks.
To reach that goal, Gartner outlined three key categories of action that define an elastic supply chain capability: understand trust boundaries and define operational limits; assess the elastic supply chain opportunity; and use targeted, market-specific scenario planning.
The global air cargo market’s hot summer of double-digit demand growth continued in August with average spot rates showing their largest year-on-year jump with a 24% increase, according to the latest weekly analysis by Xeneta.
Xeneta cited two reasons to explain the increase. First, Global average air cargo spot rates reached $2.68 per kg in August due to continuing supply and demand imbalance. That came as August's global cargo supply grew at its slowest ratio in 2024 to-date at 2% year-on-year, while global cargo demand continued its double-digit growth, rising +11%.
The second reason for higher rates was an ocean-to-air shift in freight volumes due to Red Sea disruptions and e-commerce demand.
Those factors could soon be amplified as e-commerce shows continued strong growth approaching the hotly anticipated winter peak season. E-commerce and low-value goods exports from China in the first seven months of 2024 increased 30% year-on-year, including shipments to Europe and the US rising 38% and 30% growth respectively, Xeneta said.
“Typically, air cargo market performance in August tends to follow the July trend. But another month of double-digit demand growth and the strongest rate growths of the year means there was definitely no summer slack season in 2024,” Niall van de Wouw, Xeneta’s chief airfreight officer, said in a release.
“Rates we saw bottoming out in late July started picking up again in mid-August. This is too short a period to call a season. This has been a busy summer, and now we’re at the threshold of Q4, it will be interesting to see what will happen and if all the anticipation of a red-hot peak season materializes,” van de Wouw said.
The report cites data showing that there are approximately 1.7 million workers missing from the post-pandemic workforce and that 38% of small firms are unable to fill open positions. At the same time, the “skills gap” in the workforce is accelerating as automation and AI create significant shifts in how work is performed.
That information comes from the “2024 Labor Day Report” released by Littler’s Workplace Policy Institute (WPI), the firm’s government relations and public policy arm.
“We continue to see a labor shortage and an urgent need to upskill the current workforce to adapt to the new world of work,” said Michael Lotito, Littler shareholder and co-chair of WPI. “As corporate executives and business leaders look to the future, they are focused on realizing the many benefits of AI to streamline operations and guide strategic decision-making, while cultivating a talent pipeline that can support this growth.”
But while the need is clear, solutions may be complicated by public policy changes such as the upcoming U.S. general election and the proliferation of employment-related legislation at the state and local levels amid Congressional gridlock.
“We are heading into a contentious election that has already proven to be unpredictable and is poised to create even more uncertainty for employers, no matter the outcome,” Shannon Meade, WPI’s executive director, said in a release. “At the same time, the growing patchwork of state and local requirements across the U.S. is exacerbating compliance challenges for companies. That, coupled with looming changes following several Supreme Court decisions that have the potential to upend rulemaking, gives C-suite executives much to contend with in planning their workforce-related strategies.”
Stax Engineering, the venture-backed startup that provides smokestack emissions reduction services for maritime ships, will service all vessels from Toyota Motor North America Inc. visiting the Toyota Berth at the Port of Long Beach, according to a new five-year deal announced today.
Beginning in 2025 to coincide with new California Air Resources Board (CARB) standards, STAX will become the first and only emissions control provider to service roll-on/roll-off (ro-ros) vessels in the state of California, the company said.
Stax has rapidly grown since its launch in the first quarter of this year, supported in part by a $40 million funding round from investors, announced in July. It now holds exclusive service agreements at California ports including Los Angeles, Long Beach, Hueneme, Benicia, Richmond, and Oakland. The firm has also partnered with individual companies like NYK Line, Hyundai GLOVIS, Equilon Enterprises LLC d/b/a Shell Oil Products US (Shell), and now Toyota.
Stax says it offers an alternative to shore power with land- and barge-based, mobile emissions capture and control technology for shipping terminal and fleet operators without the need for retrofits.
In the case of this latest deal, the Toyota Long Beach Vehicle Distribution Center imports about 200,000 vehicles each year on ro-ro vessels. Stax will keep those ships green with its flexible exhaust capture system, which attaches to all vessel classes without modification to remove 99% of emitted particulate matter (PM) and 95% of emitted oxides of nitrogen (NOx). Over the lifetime of this new agreement with Toyota, Stax estimated the service will account for approximately 3,700 hours and more than 47 tons of emissions controlled.
“We set out to provide an emissions capture and control solution that was reliable, easily accessible, and cost-effective. As we begin to service Toyota, we’re confident that we can meet the needs of the full breadth of the maritime industry, furthering our impact on the local air quality, public health, and environment,” Mike Walker, CEO of Stax, said in a release. “Continuing to establish strong partnerships will help build momentum for and trust in our technology as we expand beyond the state of California.”