Mark Solomon joined DC VELOCITY as senior editor in August 2008, and was promoted to his current position on January 1, 2015. He has spent more than 30 years in the transportation, logistics and supply chain management fields as a journalist and public relations professional. From 1989 to 1994, he worked in Washington as a reporter for the Journal of Commerce, covering the aviation and trucking industries, the Department of Transportation, Congress and the U.S. Supreme Court. Prior to that, he worked for Traffic World for seven years in a similar role. From 1994 to 2008, Mr. Solomon ran Media-Based Solutions, a public relations firm based in Atlanta. He graduated in 1978 with a B.A. in journalism from The American University in Washington, D.C.
UPS Inc. has long faced challenges to optimize its vast U.S. surface transportation network. On one hand, it deals with traffic surges that put its network under stress and forces it to pay exorbitant rates to have others move its shipments. On the other, it struggles with empty miles and missed backhaul opportunities.
That could explain why the Atlanta-based giant was willing to spend $1.8 billion in cash and debt to acquire Chicago-based truckload and less-than-truckload (LTL) broker Coyote Logistics LLC. The deal, announced this morning, is the largest in UPS's 108-year history and the biggest pure brokerage deal ever. Beyond the headlines is the profound change the deal may bring to UPS's system by finally reducing the network variability that has bugged the company for decades.
For UPS, the deal has two parts: First, it adds an important arrow to its product quiver. UPS plans to stand back and let Coyote do its thing, which is to arrange transportation of more than 6,000 daily loads for shipper customers. UPS can now come to market with a portfolio that includes truckload brokerage, and can position itself as more of a lead logistics provider than it has in the past. Sources close to the deal said UPS's desire to boost its competitive position at the bidding table, or to compete with a company like C.H. Robinson Worldwide Inc., the nation's leading broker and a big third-party logistics provider, were not the primary drivers behind its purchase.
Others find that rationale hard to swallow. "Robinson needs to pay attention. They are no longer swinging the biggest bat," said Michael P. Regan, founder of TranzAct Technologies Inc., a consultancy and audit firm based in Elmhurst, Ill. Robinson was unavailable to comment. Regan said other freight brokers also should be concerned because Coyote now has the deepest pockets in U.S. transportation behind it. UPS generated $3.3 billion in free cash flow in the first half of 2015 and is on track this year to break the $60 billion annual-revenue barrier.
The problem of maintaining Coyote's freewheeling culture and keeping an organizational firewall between the two companies was not lost on UPS. In the statement announcing the deal, UPS said: "Coyote possesses significant industry knowledge, intellectual property, [and] employee talent, and has a strong company culture." Coyote will operate as a UPS subsidiary and will stay in its Chicago home base, and husband-and-wife cofounders Jeff and Marianne Silver will remain in charge for what appears to be an open-ended period, though there remains some question as to how long an entrepreneurial couple like the Silvers can comfortably coexist in UPS's bureaucracy.
FILLING THE GAPS
The second, and perhaps most relevant, part of the deal is the role Coyote will play to help fill the gaps in UPS's road network. Each day, UPS moves tens of millions of parcels and freight across its ground system. In addition, shipments booked to move "air" freight often move on the ground, depending on the distance and the delivery windows. A network so large and complex inevitably suffers from the plague of "variability," where supply and demand are not always in proper alignment. The result can be less-than-optimal utilization of the company's fleet, at least by UPS's standards.
UPS has longstanding relationships with many truckload carriers to move shipments that, for whatever reason, can't go on its equipment. Those relationships will remain in place, and UPS will continue to be responsible for purchasing space. It also uses Coyote to broker shipments.
The plan under the acquisition is for Coyote to serve as an adviser of sorts, leveraging its expertise and technology to enhance truckload-shipment visibility for UPS, thus identifying new opportunities and reducing UPS's network variability. In effect, Coyote's goal is not to do UPS's job, but to help UPS do a better job. UPS CEO David Abney said in the statement that UPS expects to realize as much as $150 million a year of "annual operating synergies," ranging from better backhaul utilization to increased cross-selling opportunities.
Coyote has also helped behind the scenes to support UPS's capacity needs during prior holiday peak seasons, a period when demand goes on steroids and the pressure on UPS's system is immense. During the 2013 peak, when bad weather and an avalanche of last-minute shipments from e-tailing giant Amazon.com gummed up its air network, UPS paid dearly to reroute packages to truckload carriers for rush delivery. Chastened by the 2013 problems, UPS ramped up its operational spending for the 2014 peak, only to find that it overinvested for expected volumes that never materialized.
In January, Abney disclosed that the company would not meet its fourth-quarter earnings estimates due to the higher costs associated with the peak ramp-up. Abney also said at the time that UPS would implement "new pricing strategies" for the upcoming holiday cycle. That could mean the implementation of so-called surge pricing, similar to the system that ride-sharing firm Uber employs during its peak riding periods. If so, Coyote's skills and clout could allow UPS to push through surge pricing while keeping its line-haul rates in check, said Jett McCandless, founder and CEO of CarrierDirect LLC, a logistics consulting and sales company.
The emergence of UPS in a segment that it has largely avoided is likely to spark another wave of consolidation among brokers, who are unaccustomed to a company like this in their midst. The $50-billion-a-year business has a handful of big players, but is composed mostly of small companies, many of which are profitable but lack the resources to move up the ladder.
McCandless, who at 36 is one of the industry's "young turks," sees transportation and brokerage becoming "agnostic," with technology being the key differentiator. As a result, the next five years will witness major consolidation as the smaller companies, lacking the technology and robust carrier relationships, lose out to the large "one-stop shops" and are either acquired or fold their tents, said McCandless.
However, this cycle will beget another phase in years 6 through 10, as big players effectively become too big to adequately serve a broad shipper base, McCandless said. New, smaller niche providers will then step into the breach, pick up the slack, and expand the number of providers in the market, he predicted.
Congestion on U.S. highways is costing the trucking industry big, according to research from the American Transportation Research Institute (ATRI), released today.
The group found that traffic congestion on U.S. highways added $108.8 billion in costs to the trucking industry in 2022, a record high. The information comes from ATRI’s Cost of Congestion study, which is part of the organization’s ongoing highway performance measurement research.
Total hours of congestion fell slightly compared to 2021 due to softening freight market conditions, but the cost of operating a truck increased at a much higher rate, according to the research. As a result, the overall cost of congestion increased by 15% year-over-year—a level equivalent to more than 430,000 commercial truck drivers sitting idle for one work year and an average cost of $7,588 for every registered combination truck.
The analysis also identified metropolitan delays and related impacts, showing that the top 10 most-congested states each experienced added costs of more than $8 billion. That list was led by Texas, at $9.17 billion in added costs; California, at $8.77 billion; and Florida, $8.44 billion. Rounding out the top 10 list were New York, Georgia, New Jersey, Illinois, Pennsylvania, Louisiana, and Tennessee. Combined, the top 10 states account for more than half of the trucking industry’s congestion costs nationwide—52%, according to the research.
The metro areas with the highest congestion costs include New York City, $6.68 billion; Miami, $3.2 billion; and Chicago, $3.14 billion.
ATRI’s analysis also found that the trucking industry wasted more than 6.4 billion gallons of diesel fuel in 2022 due to congestion, resulting in additional fuel costs of $32.1 billion.
ATRI used a combination of data sources, including its truck GPS database and Operational Costs study benchmarks, to calculate the impacts of trucking delays on major U.S. roadways.
There’s a photo from 1971 that John Kent, professor of supply chain management at the University of Arkansas, likes to show. It’s of a shaggy-haired 18-year-old named Glenn Cowan grinning at three-time world table tennis champion Zhuang Zedong, while holding a silk tapestry Zhuang had just given him. Cowan was a member of the U.S. table tennis team who participated in the 1971 World Table Tennis Championships in Nagoya, Japan. Story has it that one morning, he overslept and missed his bus to the tournament and had to hitch a ride with the Chinese national team and met and connected with Zhuang.
Cowan and Zhuang’s interaction led to an invitation for the U.S. team to visit China. At the time, the two countries were just beginning to emerge from a 20-year period of decidedly frosty relations, strict travel bans, and trade restrictions. The highly publicized trip signaled a willingness on both sides to renew relations and launched the term “pingpong diplomacy.”
Kent, who is a senior fellow at the George H. W. Bush Foundation for U.S.-China Relations, believes the photograph is a good reminder that some 50-odd years ago, the economies of the United States and China were not as tightly interwoven as they are today. At the time, the Nixon administration was looking to form closer political and economic ties between the two countries in hopes of reducing chances of future conflict (and to weaken alliances among Communist countries).
The signals coming out of Washington and Beijing are now, of course, much different than they were in the early 1970s. Instead of advocating for better relations, political rhetoric focuses on the need for the U.S. to “decouple” from China. Both Republicans and Democrats have warned that the U.S. economy is too dependent on goods manufactured in China. They see this dependency as a threat to economic strength, American jobs, supply chain resiliency, and national security.
Supply chain professionals, however, know that extricating ourselves from our reliance on Chinese manufacturing is easier said than done. Many pundits push for a “China + 1” strategy, where companies diversify their manufacturing and sourcing options beyond China. But in reality, that “plus one” is often a Chinese company operating in a different country or a non-Chinese manufacturer that is still heavily dependent on material or subcomponents made in China.
This is the problem when supply chain decisions are made on a global scale without input from supply chain professionals. In an article in the Arkansas Democrat-Gazette, Kent argues that, “The discussions on supply chains mainly take place between government officials who typically bring many other competing issues and agendas to the table. Corporate entities—the individuals and companies directly impacted by supply chains—tend to be under-represented in the conversation.”
Kent is a proponent of what he calls “supply chain diplomacy,” where experts from academia and industry from the U.S. and China work collaboratively to create better, more efficient global supply chains. Take, for example, the “Peace Beans” project that Kent is involved with. This project, jointly formed by Zhejiang University and the Bush China Foundation, proposes balancing supply chains by exporting soybeans from Arkansas to tofu producers in China’s Yunnan province, and, in return, importing coffee beans grown in Yunnan to coffee roasters in Arkansas. Kent believes the operation could even use the same transportation equipment.
The benefits of working collaboratively—instead of continuing to build friction in the supply chain through tariffs and adversarial relationships—are numerous, according to Kent and his colleagues. They believe it would be much better if the two major world economies worked together on issues like global inflation, climate change, and artificial intelligence.
And such relations could play a significant role in strengthening world peace, particularly in light of ongoing tensions over Taiwan. Because, as Kent writes, “The 19th-century idea that ‘When goods don’t cross borders, soldiers will’ is as true today as ever. Perhaps more so.”
Hyster-Yale Materials Handling today announced its plans to fulfill the domestic manufacturing requirements of the Build America, Buy America (BABA) Act for certain portions of its lineup of forklift trucks and container handling equipment.
That means the Greenville, North Carolina-based company now plans to expand its existing American manufacturing with a targeted set of high-capacity models, including electric options, that align with the needs of infrastructure projects subject to BABA requirements. The company’s plans include determining the optimal production location in the United States, strategically expanding sourcing agreements to meet local material requirements, and further developing electric power options for high-capacity equipment.
As a part of the 2021 Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act, the BABA Act aims to increase the use of American-made materials in federally funded infrastructure projects across the U.S., Hyster-Yale says. It was enacted as part of a broader effort to boost domestic manufacturing and economic growth, and mandates that federal dollars allocated to infrastructure – such as roads, bridges, ports and public transit systems – must prioritize materials produced in the USA, including critical items like steel, iron and various construction materials.
Hyster-Yale’s footprint in the U.S. is spread across 10 locations, including three manufacturing facilities.
“Our leadership is fully invested in meeting the needs of businesses that require BABA-compliant material handling solutions,” Tony Salgado, Hyster-Yale’s chief operating officer, said in a release. “We are working to partner with our key domestic suppliers, as well as identifying how best to leverage our own American manufacturing footprint to deliver a competitive solution for our customers and stakeholders. But beyond mere compliance, and in line with the many areas of our business where we are evolving to better support our customers, our commitment remains steadfast. We are dedicated to delivering industry-leading standards in design, durability and performance — qualities that have become synonymous with our brands worldwide and that our customers have come to rely on and expect.”
In a separate move, the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) also gave its approval for the state to advance its Heavy-Duty Omnibus Rule, which is crafted to significantly reduce smog-forming nitrogen oxide (NOx) emissions from new heavy-duty, diesel-powered trucks.
Both rules are intended to deliver health benefits to California citizens affected by vehicle pollution, according to the environmental group Earthjustice. If the state gets federal approval for the final steps to become law, the rules mean that cars on the road in California will largely be zero-emissions a generation from now in the 2050s, accounting for the average vehicle lifespan of vehicles with internal combustion engine (ICE) power sold before that 2035 date.
“This might read like checking a bureaucratic box, but EPA’s approval is a critical step forward in protecting our lungs from pollution and our wallets from the expenses of combustion fuels,” Paul Cort, director of Earthjustice’s Right To Zero campaign, said in a release. “The gradual shift in car sales to zero-emissions models will cut smog and household costs while growing California’s clean energy workforce. Cutting truck pollution will help clear our skies of smog. EPA should now approve the remaining authorization requests from California to allow the state to clean its air and protect its residents.”
However, the truck drivers' industry group Owner-Operator Independent Drivers Association (OOIDA) pushed back against the federal decision allowing the Omnibus Low-NOx rule to advance. "The Omnibus Low-NOx waiver for California calls into question the policymaking process under the Biden administration's EPA. Purposefully injecting uncertainty into a $588 billion American industry is bad for our economy and makes no meaningful progress towards purported environmental goals," (OOIDA) President Todd Spencer said in a release. "EPA's credibility outside of radical environmental circles would have been better served by working with regulated industries rather than ramming through last-minute special interest favors. We look forward to working with the Trump administration's EPA in good faith towards achievable environmental outcomes.”
Editor's note:This article was revised on December 18 to add reaction from OOIDA.
Global trade will see a moderate rebound in 2025, likely growing by 3.6% in volume terms, helped by companies restocking and households renewing purchases of durable goods while reducing spending on services, according to a forecast from trade credit insurer Allianz Trade.
The end of the year for 2024 will also likely be supported by companies rushing to ship goods in anticipation of the higher tariffs likely to be imposed by the coming Trump administration, and other potential disruptions in the coming quarters, the report said.
However, that tailwind for global trade will likely shift to a headwind once the effects of a renewed but contained trade war are felt from the second half of 2025 and in full in 2026. As a result, Allianz Trade has throttled back its predictions, saying that global trade in volume will grow by 2.8% in 2025 (reduced by 0.2 percentage points vs. its previous forecast) and 2.3% in 2026 (reduced by 0.5 percentage points).
The same logic applies to Allianz Trade’s forecast for export prices in U.S. dollars, which the firm has now revised downward to predict growth reaching 2.3% in 2025 (reduced by 1.7 percentage points) and 4.1% in 2026 (reduced by 0.8 percentage points).
In the meantime, the rush to frontload imports into the U.S. is giving freight carriers an early Christmas present. According to Allianz Trade, data released last week showed Chinese exports rising by a robust 6.7% y/y in November. And imports of some consumer goods that have been threatened with a likely 25% tariff under the new Trump administration have outperformed even more, growing by nearly 20% y/y on average between July and September.