Regrets, recriminations, diversions: the legacy of bad times at West Coast ports
From business losses to ruptured relationships, the damage from the recently resolved labor dispute continues to mount. But was it enough to spark permanent change?
Mark Solomon joined DC VELOCITY as senior editor in August 2008, and was promoted to his current position on January 1, 2015. He has spent more than 30 years in the transportation, logistics and supply chain management fields as a journalist and public relations professional. From 1989 to 1994, he worked in Washington as a reporter for the Journal of Commerce, covering the aviation and trucking industries, the Department of Transportation, Congress and the U.S. Supreme Court. Prior to that, he worked for Traffic World for seven years in a similar role. From 1994 to 2008, Mr. Solomon ran Media-Based Solutions, a public relations firm based in Atlanta. He graduated in 1978 with a B.A. in journalism from The American University in Washington, D.C.
The nine-month labor-management dispute on the West Coast waterfront spread misery across a broad front. But perhaps no one had it worse than the Port of Oakland.
Like other ports, Oakland, the nation's fifth-busiest containerport, faced mounting backlogs and diminished productivity as tensions escalated between the International Longshore & Warehouse Union (ILWU) and waterfront management represented by the Pacific Maritime Association (PMA). At the height of the standoff in mid-February, Oakland's largest terminal was operating at half of its normal capacity, and its second largest was functioning at 65 percent, according to J. Christopher Lytle, the port's executive director.
Vessels that would normally discharge Asian imports at either the port of Los Angeles or Long Beach and then call up the coast at Oakland were unwilling to deal with more congestion at Oakland. Instead, many turned around after unloading in Southern California and returned to Asia. As a result, consignees with product to be distributed throughout Northern California were forced to find costlier land transportation to get goods to market.
But what set Oakland apart from its brethren were the problems it encountered moving U.S. exports. Exports account for 55 percent of Oakland's traffic mix, understandable given the port's proximity to the agricultural abundance of California's verdant Central Valley. With vessel operations hamstrung and with no other place to go, exporters watched helplessly as their perishables sat, and in some cases rotted, in warehouses. And they took out their frustrations on port officials. "Customers are very upset," Lytle said in a phone interview several days before a tentative five-year collective bargaining agreement was reached Feb. 20.
That may be why a $100 million project to build a global logistics hub at the port has taken on added significance. Over the next two to three years, the port and the city plan to turn a decommissioned army base on the facility's outer harbor into a 360-acre logistics center that includes a warehousing network, trans-loading facilities, and a dry-bulk terminal. Westbound goods, whether they are bulk agricultural commodities or dry bulk shipments, would be moved by rail to the center. There, they would be loaded aboard containerships or dry bulk vessels for trips to Asia.
The first step was announced in late January, when the port and Union Pacific Railroad Co. (UP), the giant Western railroad, began a $25 million initiative to link the new site with UP's main line into Oakland. The work, set for completion in October, calls for the construction of 7,400 feet of lead track and the reconfiguration of adjacent track. When finished, the project will better position the port to receive bulk shipments from both UP and BNSF Railway, its rival in the West. The port and the state's "Trade Corridors Improvement Fund" will finance the work.
Lytle didn't mince words when describing the logistics center's impact on his facility. "This is the future of Oakland," he said.
STAYING RELEVANT
From Seattle to San Diego, the 29 ports covered by the new five-year labor agreement are clearing backlogs and trying to stanch the bleeding as importers that shifted deliveries to the East Coast (via the Suez and Panama canals), to Canada, and to Mexico debate whether to bring them back west. On that score, opinion is mixed. Ben Hackett, who heads a consultancy bearing his name, believes most diverted cargo will return because West Coast ports, especially Los Angeles and Long Beach, remain the most cost-effective way to get imports to U.S. end markets. Kumar Venkataraman, a partner in the retail practice of consultancy A.T. Kearney, sees a two-tier market evolving with big Beneficial Cargo Owners (BCOs) having the scale and sophisticated technology to implement a diversified U.S. distribution strategy utilizing multiple ports, while smaller BCOs lacking those capabilities either return to the West Coast or, having never left, simply stay put.
An industry insider, speaking on condition of anonymity, said West Coast ports will suffer as importers who had long thought about moving away from the West are now pushed to act. "Until now, the logistics guys couldn't convince their leadership to move because there was no event to prompt it. All they were looking for was a reason. Now they have one," the executive said.
Larry Gross, a senior consultant at consultancy FTR Associates, wrote in late February that for big BCOs with multiport strategies already in place, a further shift from the West "is more a matter of turning the dials than building something from scratch." Noting that neither labor nor management seemed to publicly show remorse for the damage inflicted on shippers, intermediaries, consignees, and vessel operators, Gross said the warring parties will "end up paying dearly for having ignored the needs of the shipper who truly pays their bills."
SECULAR PROBLEMS
Though the agreement averts the immediate crisis, it does nothing to address the afflictions that plagued the U.S. goods-moving system long before the standoff began. Port congestion at dock and landside remains a critical concern. Ever-larger ships are expected to hit the water in the next two to three years; about 60 percent of the global ship order book is composed of vessels of 10,000 twenty-foot equivalent (TEU) container units, according to research firm Alphaliner.
Because operators of the large vessels must minimize berth times in order to justify the huge investment in them, the ships are likely to call at fewer ports, analysts said. This means more tonnage to be handled by a smaller cluster of ports already straining under the current load.
An imbalance of truck chassis, and the amount of time truckers spend picking up and returning the equipment, added significantly to the backlog, especially at Los Angeles and Long Beach. On March 1, a long-awaited chassis provisioning model began at the ports that is designed to enable the free exchange of more than 80,000 units across 12 marine terminals and a network of rail yards, container yards, and other locations in the sprawling complex.
In an ideal world, technology will be optimized at port facilities to ramp up productivity and to expedite the import loading and unloading process. But the world is not ideal. The 2002 and 2008 contracts introduced automated processes to improve productivity. However, a management source said in late February that the 2015 contract, whose details were unavailable at press time, did not include further automation advancements as part of agreed-to work rule changes. That will surely disappoint those who believe technology at West Coast ports badly lags behind that used in Asia and Europe.
"West Coast U.S. ports have become over the past decade the least productive, most prone to labor disruption, most expensive, least automated ports in the developed world," Peter Friedmann, executive director of the Agriculture Transportation Coalition, a group representing agricultural and forest products exporters, said in early January.
For all their hand wringing, importers could have fared far worse. The impasse occurred after the pre-holiday shipping season. Sensing trouble, many importers had moved their goods into U.S. commerce over the summer to ensure their availability during the holidays. In addition, most import commodities are dry goods that aren't prone to physical obsolescence. And it's not as if U.S. importers are going to shift their buying away from Asia.
As it stands, importers will likely face the inconvenience of delivery delays of six to 12 weeks while the current backlogs are cleared. This will result in lost business and higher delivery costs, but minor lasting damage.
NO RESOLUTION IN SIGHT
For U.S. exporters, though, the situation couldn't be more different. Agriculture accounts for a large share of U.S. exports to Asia. Much of that volume is made up of perishable foodstuffs. Foreign buyers have supply sources outside the U.S. and would not hesitate to use them if U.S. delivery schedules are compromised. There are no other viable ports outside the U.S. that have capacity adequate to accommodate a massive diversion of exports. Vancouver's Port of Prince Rupert—geographically the closest North American gateway to Asia—today handles about 400,000 twenty-foot equivalent units a year, according to Hackett Associates. By contrast, the Los Angeles/Long Beach port complex handles about 8 million total TEUs a year. "U.S. exporters are pretty much stuck with the ports they have," Hackett said.
Adding to the problem is the chronic lack of access to empty containers to ship Midwest agricultural exports from sparsely populated origin points to the ports via rail or truck. Containers entering U.S. commerce are typically bound for densely populated regions, and vessel operators that have a billion dollars or so invested in the equipment want them to remain there. This makes life tough for growers whose products are in parts of the country where land is abundant but consumers may not be.
For example, Minneapolis, the closest large metro area to many upper Midwest grain suppliers, has the most acute shortage of 20- and 40-foot containers out of 19 markets analyzed by infrastructure design consultancy Moffatt & Nichol from data provided by the U.S. Agriculture Department.
Walter Kemmsies, who as an economist with Moffatt & Nichol has raised concerns for several years about equipment imbalances, is not encouraged about the current trend's direction. When asked at the SMC3 annual conference in January if anything had changed, he said, "export containers are even tougher to find, and it's more expensive to procure and ship them if you can."
Kemmsies said the contract battle should serve as a wake-up call to "reset" a flawed infrastructure that has undermined export flows and, by extension, American competitiveness in world markets. The key, he said, is to fully embrace the idea of a seamless multimodal network and to bring it to fruition.
"Intermodalism is the essence of freight movement. ... It's time to resurrect the [U.S. Department of Transportation's] Office of Intermodalism and tie infrastructure investment to economic objectives again," Kemmsies said.
Congestion on U.S. highways is costing the trucking industry big, according to research from the American Transportation Research Institute (ATRI), released today.
The group found that traffic congestion on U.S. highways added $108.8 billion in costs to the trucking industry in 2022, a record high. The information comes from ATRI’s Cost of Congestion study, which is part of the organization’s ongoing highway performance measurement research.
Total hours of congestion fell slightly compared to 2021 due to softening freight market conditions, but the cost of operating a truck increased at a much higher rate, according to the research. As a result, the overall cost of congestion increased by 15% year-over-year—a level equivalent to more than 430,000 commercial truck drivers sitting idle for one work year and an average cost of $7,588 for every registered combination truck.
The analysis also identified metropolitan delays and related impacts, showing that the top 10 most-congested states each experienced added costs of more than $8 billion. That list was led by Texas, at $9.17 billion in added costs; California, at $8.77 billion; and Florida, $8.44 billion. Rounding out the top 10 list were New York, Georgia, New Jersey, Illinois, Pennsylvania, Louisiana, and Tennessee. Combined, the top 10 states account for more than half of the trucking industry’s congestion costs nationwide—52%, according to the research.
The metro areas with the highest congestion costs include New York City, $6.68 billion; Miami, $3.2 billion; and Chicago, $3.14 billion.
ATRI’s analysis also found that the trucking industry wasted more than 6.4 billion gallons of diesel fuel in 2022 due to congestion, resulting in additional fuel costs of $32.1 billion.
ATRI used a combination of data sources, including its truck GPS database and Operational Costs study benchmarks, to calculate the impacts of trucking delays on major U.S. roadways.
There’s a photo from 1971 that John Kent, professor of supply chain management at the University of Arkansas, likes to show. It’s of a shaggy-haired 18-year-old named Glenn Cowan grinning at three-time world table tennis champion Zhuang Zedong, while holding a silk tapestry Zhuang had just given him. Cowan was a member of the U.S. table tennis team who participated in the 1971 World Table Tennis Championships in Nagoya, Japan. Story has it that one morning, he overslept and missed his bus to the tournament and had to hitch a ride with the Chinese national team and met and connected with Zhuang.
Cowan and Zhuang’s interaction led to an invitation for the U.S. team to visit China. At the time, the two countries were just beginning to emerge from a 20-year period of decidedly frosty relations, strict travel bans, and trade restrictions. The highly publicized trip signaled a willingness on both sides to renew relations and launched the term “pingpong diplomacy.”
Kent, who is a senior fellow at the George H. W. Bush Foundation for U.S.-China Relations, believes the photograph is a good reminder that some 50-odd years ago, the economies of the United States and China were not as tightly interwoven as they are today. At the time, the Nixon administration was looking to form closer political and economic ties between the two countries in hopes of reducing chances of future conflict (and to weaken alliances among Communist countries).
The signals coming out of Washington and Beijing are now, of course, much different than they were in the early 1970s. Instead of advocating for better relations, political rhetoric focuses on the need for the U.S. to “decouple” from China. Both Republicans and Democrats have warned that the U.S. economy is too dependent on goods manufactured in China. They see this dependency as a threat to economic strength, American jobs, supply chain resiliency, and national security.
Supply chain professionals, however, know that extricating ourselves from our reliance on Chinese manufacturing is easier said than done. Many pundits push for a “China + 1” strategy, where companies diversify their manufacturing and sourcing options beyond China. But in reality, that “plus one” is often a Chinese company operating in a different country or a non-Chinese manufacturer that is still heavily dependent on material or subcomponents made in China.
This is the problem when supply chain decisions are made on a global scale without input from supply chain professionals. In an article in the Arkansas Democrat-Gazette, Kent argues that, “The discussions on supply chains mainly take place between government officials who typically bring many other competing issues and agendas to the table. Corporate entities—the individuals and companies directly impacted by supply chains—tend to be under-represented in the conversation.”
Kent is a proponent of what he calls “supply chain diplomacy,” where experts from academia and industry from the U.S. and China work collaboratively to create better, more efficient global supply chains. Take, for example, the “Peace Beans” project that Kent is involved with. This project, jointly formed by Zhejiang University and the Bush China Foundation, proposes balancing supply chains by exporting soybeans from Arkansas to tofu producers in China’s Yunnan province, and, in return, importing coffee beans grown in Yunnan to coffee roasters in Arkansas. Kent believes the operation could even use the same transportation equipment.
The benefits of working collaboratively—instead of continuing to build friction in the supply chain through tariffs and adversarial relationships—are numerous, according to Kent and his colleagues. They believe it would be much better if the two major world economies worked together on issues like global inflation, climate change, and artificial intelligence.
And such relations could play a significant role in strengthening world peace, particularly in light of ongoing tensions over Taiwan. Because, as Kent writes, “The 19th-century idea that ‘When goods don’t cross borders, soldiers will’ is as true today as ever. Perhaps more so.”
Hyster-Yale Materials Handling today announced its plans to fulfill the domestic manufacturing requirements of the Build America, Buy America (BABA) Act for certain portions of its lineup of forklift trucks and container handling equipment.
That means the Greenville, North Carolina-based company now plans to expand its existing American manufacturing with a targeted set of high-capacity models, including electric options, that align with the needs of infrastructure projects subject to BABA requirements. The company’s plans include determining the optimal production location in the United States, strategically expanding sourcing agreements to meet local material requirements, and further developing electric power options for high-capacity equipment.
As a part of the 2021 Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act, the BABA Act aims to increase the use of American-made materials in federally funded infrastructure projects across the U.S., Hyster-Yale says. It was enacted as part of a broader effort to boost domestic manufacturing and economic growth, and mandates that federal dollars allocated to infrastructure – such as roads, bridges, ports and public transit systems – must prioritize materials produced in the USA, including critical items like steel, iron and various construction materials.
Hyster-Yale’s footprint in the U.S. is spread across 10 locations, including three manufacturing facilities.
“Our leadership is fully invested in meeting the needs of businesses that require BABA-compliant material handling solutions,” Tony Salgado, Hyster-Yale’s chief operating officer, said in a release. “We are working to partner with our key domestic suppliers, as well as identifying how best to leverage our own American manufacturing footprint to deliver a competitive solution for our customers and stakeholders. But beyond mere compliance, and in line with the many areas of our business where we are evolving to better support our customers, our commitment remains steadfast. We are dedicated to delivering industry-leading standards in design, durability and performance — qualities that have become synonymous with our brands worldwide and that our customers have come to rely on and expect.”
In a separate move, the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) also gave its approval for the state to advance its Heavy-Duty Omnibus Rule, which is crafted to significantly reduce smog-forming nitrogen oxide (NOx) emissions from new heavy-duty, diesel-powered trucks.
Both rules are intended to deliver health benefits to California citizens affected by vehicle pollution, according to the environmental group Earthjustice. If the state gets federal approval for the final steps to become law, the rules mean that cars on the road in California will largely be zero-emissions a generation from now in the 2050s, accounting for the average vehicle lifespan of vehicles with internal combustion engine (ICE) power sold before that 2035 date.
“This might read like checking a bureaucratic box, but EPA’s approval is a critical step forward in protecting our lungs from pollution and our wallets from the expenses of combustion fuels,” Paul Cort, director of Earthjustice’s Right To Zero campaign, said in a release. “The gradual shift in car sales to zero-emissions models will cut smog and household costs while growing California’s clean energy workforce. Cutting truck pollution will help clear our skies of smog. EPA should now approve the remaining authorization requests from California to allow the state to clean its air and protect its residents.”
However, the truck drivers' industry group Owner-Operator Independent Drivers Association (OOIDA) pushed back against the federal decision allowing the Omnibus Low-NOx rule to advance. "The Omnibus Low-NOx waiver for California calls into question the policymaking process under the Biden administration's EPA. Purposefully injecting uncertainty into a $588 billion American industry is bad for our economy and makes no meaningful progress towards purported environmental goals," (OOIDA) President Todd Spencer said in a release. "EPA's credibility outside of radical environmental circles would have been better served by working with regulated industries rather than ramming through last-minute special interest favors. We look forward to working with the Trump administration's EPA in good faith towards achievable environmental outcomes.”
Editor's note:This article was revised on December 18 to add reaction from OOIDA.
A Canadian startup that provides AI-powered logistics solutions has gained $5.5 million in seed funding to support its concept of creating a digital platform for global trade, according to Toronto-based Starboard.
The round was led by Eclipse, with participation from previous backers Garuda Ventures and Everywhere Ventures. The firm says it will use its new backing to expand its engineering team in Toronto and accelerate its AI-driven product development to simplify supply chain complexities.
According to Starboard, the logistics industry is under immense pressure to adapt to the growing complexity of global trade, which has hit recent hurdles such as the strike at U.S. east and gulf coast ports. That situation calls for innovative solutions to streamline operations and reduce costs for operators.
As a potential solution, Starboard offers its flagship product, which it defines as an AI-based transportation management system (TMS) and rate management system that helps mid-sized freight forwarders operate more efficiently and win more business. More broadly, Starboard says it is building the virtual infrastructure for global trade, allowing freight companies to leverage AI and machine learning to optimize operations such as processing shipments in real time, reconciling invoices, and following up on payments.
"This investment is a pivotal step in our mission to unlock the power of AI for our customers," said Sumeet Trehan, Co-Founder and CEO of Starboard. "Global trade has long been plagued by inefficiencies that drive up costs and reduce competitiveness. Our platform is designed to empower SMB freight forwarders—the backbone of more than $20 trillion in global trade and $1 trillion in logistics spend—with the tools they need to thrive in this complex ecosystem."