Industry groups ask White House to intervene in West Coast port labor dispute
Slowdowns spread from Pacific Northwest to Southern California ports, exacerbating cargo backlog in Los Angeles and Long Beach; holiday merchandise not at risk, but impact on U.S. economy could be huge, groups warn.
Contributing Editor Toby Gooley is a writer and editor specializing in supply chain, logistics, and material handling, and a lecturer at MIT's Center for Transportation & Logistics. She previously was Senior Editor at DC VELOCITY and Editor of DCV's sister publication, CSCMP's Supply Chain Quarterly. Prior to joining AGiLE Business Media in 2007, she spent 20 years at Logistics Management magazine as Managing Editor and Senior Editor covering international trade and transportation. Prior to that she was an export traffic manager for 10 years. She holds a B.A. in Asian Studies from Cornell University.
For the first time in 12 years, the White House has been asked to intervene in a labor-management dispute that threatens to cripple
every West Coast seaport from Seattle to San Diego.
A coalition of more than 100 industry
associations sent a letter yesterday to President Obama urging the federal government to step
into contract negotiations between the International Longshore and Warehouse Union (ILWU), which represents dockworkers at 29 U.S. West Coast
ports, and the Pacific Maritime Association, which represents employers such as ocean carriers and terminal operators. Even a five-day port shutdown
would cost the U.S. economy approximately $2 billion a day, the groups said in the letter. They urged the president to encourage both parties to
begin working with a federal mediator, and to exercise his authority to intervene under the Taft-Hartley Act should there be a strike or
lockout.
The last such labor action at West Coast ports, a 10-day lock-out in October 2002, cost the economy an estimated $1 billion a day. That crisis
was considered more serious for holiday deliveries because it occurred earlier in the cycle than the current situation.
ILWU members have been working without a contract since July 1 while negotiations continued. Through the summer and most of fall, it had been
business at usual at the ports. But last week trouble emerged at the ports of Seattle and Tacoma, when the union refused to dispatch skilled
labor such as yard crane operators, and slowed down the pace of other operations. Productivity, measured in container moves per hour, dropped by
about half at both ports; cargo backlogs ballooned, and Tacoma sent longshore gangs home yesterday morning, said Sue Coffey, a Port of Tacoma
representative attending the Nov. 6 Coalition of New England Companies for Trade (CONECT) Northeast Cargo Conference in Foxboro, Mass.
The ILWU yesterday took similar actions at Los Angeles and Long Beach, which together handle some 40 percent of the nation's containerized
imports. Philip Sanfield, a spokesman at the Port of Los Angeles, said port congestion has remained essentially the same at the San Pedro port
complex, the country's busiest. As of mid-day Friday, there were 12 vessels sitting at anchor at the Ports of Los Angeles and adjacent Long
Beach, according to Sanfield.
At yesterday's CONECT conference, speaker Michael DiBernardo, director of business development at the Port of Los Angeles, did say that in
addition to the union's failure to dispatch the necessary number of skilled workers, dockworkers there have been slowing their pace by "working
to rule." He cited examples such as driving below speed limits and conducting more thorough and time-consuming chassis inspections than the
contract specified—"since they don't have a contract, they say they don't have to follow those provisions," he said. DiBernardo told
attendees that the labor problems "are not going to be fixed today or next week." When pressed by an audience member for something more specific,
he responded, "We are hoping to see something by Thanksgiving."
There's no mystery about the timing of the ILWU's alleged slowdowns, according to some observers. CONECT's Washington counsel, Peter
Friedmann, who also leads the Agriculture Ocean Transportation Coalition, noted that the Los Angeles/Long Beach development occurred almost
immediately after the mid-term elections. The union is taking advantage of the opportunity to worsen the already huge backlog at those ports,
caused by a surge of import cargo and a shortage of drayage drivers and container chassis, that has been building for months, he said.
"The problems in the Pacific Northwest are due solely to ILWU's negotiating tactics. Southern California's problems are due to a combination
of ILWU's actions and too much cargo," he said.
Friedmann said in a subsequent phone call that it's hard to predict whether Obama, now a lame duck whose party took a drubbing in the mid-term elections, will use the Taft-Hartley Act to intervene in the dispute. "You have to be willing to take on people ... I don't know that he has an appetite to take on labor," he said. If the president does do anything, Friedmann suggested, it could be something informal,
such as bringing both sides together to talk.
THE BEST-LAID PLANS ...
There has been some concern about the potential impact of the labor slowdown on the holiday shopping season, a major driver of U.S. economic
activity. But National Retail Federation Vice President, Supply Chain and Customs Policy Jonathan Gold said in an e-mail to DC Velocity
that most holiday merchandise is already in retailers' hands. The slowdown is affecting normal replenishment deliveries and deliveries of early
spring merchandise, Gold said.
"The industry started deploying their contingency plans earlier this year, even before the negotiations began. ... This was especially true
when we saw the heavy congestion at the Canadian ports, which impacted rail service," Gold said. Retailers are looking at all options to ensure
they get their cargo and merchandise to the store shelves, Gold said, adding that "congestion issues aren't limited to LA/Long Beach, as a lot of
other ports are also facing issues."
That fact is making it harder for importers to carry out alternative plans in either the U.S. or Canada. At the CONECT conference, a logistics
manager for a mid-size importer with a warehouse near Seattle and another in Illinois said she tried bringing Chicago-bound containers through
the Port of Prince Rupert in British Columbia, but chassis shortages and intermodal service backlogs there had made that alternative untenable.
To mitigate risk, she split cargo between Pacific Northwest and Southern California ports. With Seattle, Tacoma, Los Angeles, and Long Beach
jammed, her company currently has 48 inbound containers either en route to or currently held up in those ports, she said.
Because her company's biggest customers, Wal-Mart Stores, Inc. and Target Corp., assess hefty fines for late deliveries, the logistics
manager said she's considering airfreighting critical orders. Another audience member, who works for a major international freight forwarder,
said that demand for trans-Pacific air cargo services had suddenly jumped within the last few weeks and that much of that additional demand was
coming from importers that usually bring in merchandise via ocean. Inbound airfreight rates on suddenly busier routes are climbing, making the
airfreight alternative even more costly than usual, he said.
The Port of Oakland is one of the few West Coast ports that says it has no congestion issues and can accommodate diverted vessels. However,
that advantage may disappear if the ILWU decides to take action there, too.
Congestion on U.S. highways is costing the trucking industry big, according to research from the American Transportation Research Institute (ATRI), released today.
The group found that traffic congestion on U.S. highways added $108.8 billion in costs to the trucking industry in 2022, a record high. The information comes from ATRI’s Cost of Congestion study, which is part of the organization’s ongoing highway performance measurement research.
Total hours of congestion fell slightly compared to 2021 due to softening freight market conditions, but the cost of operating a truck increased at a much higher rate, according to the research. As a result, the overall cost of congestion increased by 15% year-over-year—a level equivalent to more than 430,000 commercial truck drivers sitting idle for one work year and an average cost of $7,588 for every registered combination truck.
The analysis also identified metropolitan delays and related impacts, showing that the top 10 most-congested states each experienced added costs of more than $8 billion. That list was led by Texas, at $9.17 billion in added costs; California, at $8.77 billion; and Florida, $8.44 billion. Rounding out the top 10 list were New York, Georgia, New Jersey, Illinois, Pennsylvania, Louisiana, and Tennessee. Combined, the top 10 states account for more than half of the trucking industry’s congestion costs nationwide—52%, according to the research.
The metro areas with the highest congestion costs include New York City, $6.68 billion; Miami, $3.2 billion; and Chicago, $3.14 billion.
ATRI’s analysis also found that the trucking industry wasted more than 6.4 billion gallons of diesel fuel in 2022 due to congestion, resulting in additional fuel costs of $32.1 billion.
ATRI used a combination of data sources, including its truck GPS database and Operational Costs study benchmarks, to calculate the impacts of trucking delays on major U.S. roadways.
There’s a photo from 1971 that John Kent, professor of supply chain management at the University of Arkansas, likes to show. It’s of a shaggy-haired 18-year-old named Glenn Cowan grinning at three-time world table tennis champion Zhuang Zedong, while holding a silk tapestry Zhuang had just given him. Cowan was a member of the U.S. table tennis team who participated in the 1971 World Table Tennis Championships in Nagoya, Japan. Story has it that one morning, he overslept and missed his bus to the tournament and had to hitch a ride with the Chinese national team and met and connected with Zhuang.
Cowan and Zhuang’s interaction led to an invitation for the U.S. team to visit China. At the time, the two countries were just beginning to emerge from a 20-year period of decidedly frosty relations, strict travel bans, and trade restrictions. The highly publicized trip signaled a willingness on both sides to renew relations and launched the term “pingpong diplomacy.”
Kent, who is a senior fellow at the George H. W. Bush Foundation for U.S.-China Relations, believes the photograph is a good reminder that some 50-odd years ago, the economies of the United States and China were not as tightly interwoven as they are today. At the time, the Nixon administration was looking to form closer political and economic ties between the two countries in hopes of reducing chances of future conflict (and to weaken alliances among Communist countries).
The signals coming out of Washington and Beijing are now, of course, much different than they were in the early 1970s. Instead of advocating for better relations, political rhetoric focuses on the need for the U.S. to “decouple” from China. Both Republicans and Democrats have warned that the U.S. economy is too dependent on goods manufactured in China. They see this dependency as a threat to economic strength, American jobs, supply chain resiliency, and national security.
Supply chain professionals, however, know that extricating ourselves from our reliance on Chinese manufacturing is easier said than done. Many pundits push for a “China + 1” strategy, where companies diversify their manufacturing and sourcing options beyond China. But in reality, that “plus one” is often a Chinese company operating in a different country or a non-Chinese manufacturer that is still heavily dependent on material or subcomponents made in China.
This is the problem when supply chain decisions are made on a global scale without input from supply chain professionals. In an article in the Arkansas Democrat-Gazette, Kent argues that, “The discussions on supply chains mainly take place between government officials who typically bring many other competing issues and agendas to the table. Corporate entities—the individuals and companies directly impacted by supply chains—tend to be under-represented in the conversation.”
Kent is a proponent of what he calls “supply chain diplomacy,” where experts from academia and industry from the U.S. and China work collaboratively to create better, more efficient global supply chains. Take, for example, the “Peace Beans” project that Kent is involved with. This project, jointly formed by Zhejiang University and the Bush China Foundation, proposes balancing supply chains by exporting soybeans from Arkansas to tofu producers in China’s Yunnan province, and, in return, importing coffee beans grown in Yunnan to coffee roasters in Arkansas. Kent believes the operation could even use the same transportation equipment.
The benefits of working collaboratively—instead of continuing to build friction in the supply chain through tariffs and adversarial relationships—are numerous, according to Kent and his colleagues. They believe it would be much better if the two major world economies worked together on issues like global inflation, climate change, and artificial intelligence.
And such relations could play a significant role in strengthening world peace, particularly in light of ongoing tensions over Taiwan. Because, as Kent writes, “The 19th-century idea that ‘When goods don’t cross borders, soldiers will’ is as true today as ever. Perhaps more so.”
Hyster-Yale Materials Handling today announced its plans to fulfill the domestic manufacturing requirements of the Build America, Buy America (BABA) Act for certain portions of its lineup of forklift trucks and container handling equipment.
That means the Greenville, North Carolina-based company now plans to expand its existing American manufacturing with a targeted set of high-capacity models, including electric options, that align with the needs of infrastructure projects subject to BABA requirements. The company’s plans include determining the optimal production location in the United States, strategically expanding sourcing agreements to meet local material requirements, and further developing electric power options for high-capacity equipment.
As a part of the 2021 Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act, the BABA Act aims to increase the use of American-made materials in federally funded infrastructure projects across the U.S., Hyster-Yale says. It was enacted as part of a broader effort to boost domestic manufacturing and economic growth, and mandates that federal dollars allocated to infrastructure – such as roads, bridges, ports and public transit systems – must prioritize materials produced in the USA, including critical items like steel, iron and various construction materials.
Hyster-Yale’s footprint in the U.S. is spread across 10 locations, including three manufacturing facilities.
“Our leadership is fully invested in meeting the needs of businesses that require BABA-compliant material handling solutions,” Tony Salgado, Hyster-Yale’s chief operating officer, said in a release. “We are working to partner with our key domestic suppliers, as well as identifying how best to leverage our own American manufacturing footprint to deliver a competitive solution for our customers and stakeholders. But beyond mere compliance, and in line with the many areas of our business where we are evolving to better support our customers, our commitment remains steadfast. We are dedicated to delivering industry-leading standards in design, durability and performance — qualities that have become synonymous with our brands worldwide and that our customers have come to rely on and expect.”
In a separate move, the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) also gave its approval for the state to advance its Heavy-Duty Omnibus Rule, which is crafted to significantly reduce smog-forming nitrogen oxide (NOx) emissions from new heavy-duty, diesel-powered trucks.
Both rules are intended to deliver health benefits to California citizens affected by vehicle pollution, according to the environmental group Earthjustice. If the state gets federal approval for the final steps to become law, the rules mean that cars on the road in California will largely be zero-emissions a generation from now in the 2050s, accounting for the average vehicle lifespan of vehicles with internal combustion engine (ICE) power sold before that 2035 date.
“This might read like checking a bureaucratic box, but EPA’s approval is a critical step forward in protecting our lungs from pollution and our wallets from the expenses of combustion fuels,” Paul Cort, director of Earthjustice’s Right To Zero campaign, said in a release. “The gradual shift in car sales to zero-emissions models will cut smog and household costs while growing California’s clean energy workforce. Cutting truck pollution will help clear our skies of smog. EPA should now approve the remaining authorization requests from California to allow the state to clean its air and protect its residents.”
However, the truck drivers' industry group Owner-Operator Independent Drivers Association (OOIDA) pushed back against the federal decision allowing the Omnibus Low-NOx rule to advance. "The Omnibus Low-NOx waiver for California calls into question the policymaking process under the Biden administration's EPA. Purposefully injecting uncertainty into a $588 billion American industry is bad for our economy and makes no meaningful progress towards purported environmental goals," (OOIDA) President Todd Spencer said in a release. "EPA's credibility outside of radical environmental circles would have been better served by working with regulated industries rather than ramming through last-minute special interest favors. We look forward to working with the Trump administration's EPA in good faith towards achievable environmental outcomes.”
Editor's note:This article was revised on December 18 to add reaction from OOIDA.
A Canadian startup that provides AI-powered logistics solutions has gained $5.5 million in seed funding to support its concept of creating a digital platform for global trade, according to Toronto-based Starboard.
The round was led by Eclipse, with participation from previous backers Garuda Ventures and Everywhere Ventures. The firm says it will use its new backing to expand its engineering team in Toronto and accelerate its AI-driven product development to simplify supply chain complexities.
According to Starboard, the logistics industry is under immense pressure to adapt to the growing complexity of global trade, which has hit recent hurdles such as the strike at U.S. east and gulf coast ports. That situation calls for innovative solutions to streamline operations and reduce costs for operators.
As a potential solution, Starboard offers its flagship product, which it defines as an AI-based transportation management system (TMS) and rate management system that helps mid-sized freight forwarders operate more efficiently and win more business. More broadly, Starboard says it is building the virtual infrastructure for global trade, allowing freight companies to leverage AI and machine learning to optimize operations such as processing shipments in real time, reconciling invoices, and following up on payments.
"This investment is a pivotal step in our mission to unlock the power of AI for our customers," said Sumeet Trehan, Co-Founder and CEO of Starboard. "Global trade has long been plagued by inefficiencies that drive up costs and reduce competitiveness. Our platform is designed to empower SMB freight forwarders—the backbone of more than $20 trillion in global trade and $1 trillion in logistics spend—with the tools they need to thrive in this complex ecosystem."