Mark Solomon joined DC VELOCITY as senior editor in August 2008, and was promoted to his current position on January 1, 2015. He has spent more than 30 years in the transportation, logistics and supply chain management fields as a journalist and public relations professional. From 1989 to 1994, he worked in Washington as a reporter for the Journal of Commerce, covering the aviation and trucking industries, the Department of Transportation, Congress and the U.S. Supreme Court. Prior to that, he worked for Traffic World for seven years in a similar role. From 1994 to 2008, Mr. Solomon ran Media-Based Solutions, a public relations firm based in Atlanta. He graduated in 1978 with a B.A. in journalism from The American University in Washington, D.C.
The use of independent contractors (ICs) is nearly as much of a trucking industry tradition as strong coffee, avoiding weigh stations, and lengthy waits at shipping docks. For decades, it has been commonplace for an owner-operator to work under
contract to a large trucking company to augment its in-house fleet.
However, the IC model is under closer legal scrutiny than ever before. Drivers and their advocates contend that many
so-called independent operators effectively function as company employees. Yet because they are classified as contractors,
they are denied the rights, privileges, and benefits that come with being an employee.
Last Wednesday, a three-judge panel of the Ninth U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals struck perhaps the most decisive blow to date
against the contractor model. The panel ruled that a class of 2,300 drivers in California who from 2000 to 2007 were classified as contractors
for FedEx Ground, FedEx Corp.'s ground parcel delivery unit, were actually employees under California law. The panel reversed a
December 2010 lower court ruling that the workers were contractors and remanded the case to a federal district court in California
with directives to enter an order changing their classification. The panel also ruled in favor of the plaintiffs in two cases in
Oregon.
The panel ruled that FedEx Ground exercised total control over its contractors, making those workers eligible under
California's "right to control" test to be considered employees. It dismissed the company's claim that its control of drivers was
limited only to pursuing the results it sought, not the manner in which the drivers achieved them. In the lead opinion, Judge
William A. Fletcher wrote that company actions that ranged from limiting a driver to operating over specific territories or
schedules to dictating their grooming habits and the appearance of their uniforms are not part of a "control of results" strategy
as prescribed under California law.
In its defense, FedEx relied on a 2009 decision by a federal appeals court in Washington, D.C., that workers at the company's
"FedEx Home Delivery" unit were contractors because the company offered "entrepreneurial opportunities" to them. However, Judge
Fletcher said that ruling has no legal standing in California. "There is no indication that California has replaced its
longstanding right-to-control test with the new "entrepreneurial-opportunities" test developed by the D.C. Circuit," he wrote.
"Instead, California cases indicate that entrepreneurial opportunities do not undermine a finding of employee status."
Much could change if the ruling is upheld because there are more than 20 cases around the country involving FedEx Ground that
turn on the worker-classification issue. FedEx could retroactively owe its driver workforce hundreds of millions of dollars in
expenses ranging from employee benefits to equipment obligations that had been borne by the workers. It could alter FedEx Ground's
operating cost advantage over unionized rival UPS, which has played a pivotal role in the unit's resounding success over the past
decade or more. Organized labor could be emboldened to restart its efforts to organize FedEx Ground years after Founder, Chairman,
and CEO, Frederick W. Smith, long known for his anti-union animus, beat them back. It could pique the interest of the Internal
Revenue Service (IRS) as well as state tax agencies looking for more payroll tax income. The IRS is active in employee
reclassification efforts, knowing that it means more income in its coffers; as employees, workers would be unable to employ the
same sort of tax avoidance tactics that are abundantly available to them as contractors.
The panel's ruling threatens to upend a highly successful ground parcel operating model FedEx inherited in 1998 when it
acquired Caliber System Inc., the parent of Roadway Package System Inc. (RPS). RPS had been using contractors since its founding
in 1985, and its low operating costs made it an increasingly viable alternative to UPS, which until the late 1980s held a
90-percent-plus share of the U.S. ground parcel business. Supported by FedEx's vast resources, the rebranded FedEx Ground
unit turned the model into a powerful force. It is by far the fastest-growing unit within the FedEx portfolio.
Whether the FedEx legal battle spills into the broader trucking business is anyone's guess. At least 30 percent of all truckload
drivers are involved in long-term, exclusive agreements with motor carriers, according to estimates from IHS Economics and Country Risk (formerly IHS Global Insight), a consultancy. Charles W. Clowdis Jr., who runs the firm's global trade and transportation practice, said the relationships are so
intimate that many outside drivers function in the same delivery dispatch cycles as company drivers, However, it is unlikely that
many driver-carrier relationships in the truckload industry involve the deep level of control that FedEx Ground purportedly
exercises over its drivers, according to several observers.
FEDEX APPEAL
FedEx said in a statement that it would appeal the ruling and may seek what's known as an en banc rehearing before the full
circuit. Petitions for a full rehearing are usually granted if a panel's decision conflicts with an earlier appellate court
order or an opinion issued by the U.S. Supreme Court, or if the issue is deemed to be of exceptional importance. The Ninth Circuit
receives about 1,200 petitions for rehearing a year and hears about two dozen cases at any given time, according to Eric Su, a New
York-based attorney for FordHarrison LLP, a firm that represents employers in labor-management issues.
FedEx said in the statement that the panel rendered a decision on a model that is no longer in use. Since 2011, FedEx Ground has
only contracted with incorporated businesses that treat their drivers as their employees, the company said. FedEx said that over
the years it has "significantly strengthened" the operating agreement that served as the basis for the adverse ruling.
The company said in the statement that it would shift to new independent service-provider (ISP) agreements in California,
Oregon, Washington, and Nevada, four of the states where the Ninth Circuit holds jurisdiction. Such agreements typically involve
larger geographic service areas from which contractors can operate, according to Patrick Fitzgerald, a FedEx spokesman. FedEx
Ground operates through an ISP in 17 states; the company plans to provide details on the extended agreement in October, Fitzgerald
said.
ARE THE TIMES A-CHANGING?
The panel's decision is the latest gust of wind that seems to be blowing in labor's direction. Courts, regulators, and lawmakers
are moving, albeit slowly, toward taking a tougher stand against an employer's classification of workers. A law in New York State
that took effect in April required companies to pass one of two tests in their entirety before drivers working trucks over 10,000
pounds of gross vehicle weight (tractor, trailer, and cargo combined) could be classified as independent contractors. The
legislature in neighboring New Jersey had passed a similar bill affecting parcel and drayage drivers. However, Gov. Chris Christie
vetoed it last year.
Courts in the Northeast and in California, regions with strong organized labor influence and which generally favor positions
supporting workers' rights, appear to be leaning in the workers' direction on the issue, attorneys say. Public policy from the
White House seems to favor classification of workers as employees instead of as contractors, according to Su.
But if there is one company with deep experience in the employee-classification issue, it's FedEx. It spent years battling the
IRS over alleged tax liabilities stemming from the classification of its ground workers. The fight culminated in the IRS
withdrawing claims that could have cost the company about $1 billion in back taxes plus interest. The company has also fought in
multiple states over the issue. The appellate court ruling had stemmed from a class action lawsuit that had been consolidated.
FedEx has taken its hits. In mid-March, for example, it reached a $5.8 million settlement with attorneys representing 141 Maine
drivers who alleged their employment status was misclassified. The presiding judge noted that if the drivers' case was tried,
damages could have topped $10 million, with the potential for double damages under state and federal wage laws, according to a
note from the law firm Pepper Hamilton LLP.
Congestion on U.S. highways is costing the trucking industry big, according to research from the American Transportation Research Institute (ATRI), released today.
The group found that traffic congestion on U.S. highways added $108.8 billion in costs to the trucking industry in 2022, a record high. The information comes from ATRI’s Cost of Congestion study, which is part of the organization’s ongoing highway performance measurement research.
Total hours of congestion fell slightly compared to 2021 due to softening freight market conditions, but the cost of operating a truck increased at a much higher rate, according to the research. As a result, the overall cost of congestion increased by 15% year-over-year—a level equivalent to more than 430,000 commercial truck drivers sitting idle for one work year and an average cost of $7,588 for every registered combination truck.
The analysis also identified metropolitan delays and related impacts, showing that the top 10 most-congested states each experienced added costs of more than $8 billion. That list was led by Texas, at $9.17 billion in added costs; California, at $8.77 billion; and Florida, $8.44 billion. Rounding out the top 10 list were New York, Georgia, New Jersey, Illinois, Pennsylvania, Louisiana, and Tennessee. Combined, the top 10 states account for more than half of the trucking industry’s congestion costs nationwide—52%, according to the research.
The metro areas with the highest congestion costs include New York City, $6.68 billion; Miami, $3.2 billion; and Chicago, $3.14 billion.
ATRI’s analysis also found that the trucking industry wasted more than 6.4 billion gallons of diesel fuel in 2022 due to congestion, resulting in additional fuel costs of $32.1 billion.
ATRI used a combination of data sources, including its truck GPS database and Operational Costs study benchmarks, to calculate the impacts of trucking delays on major U.S. roadways.
There’s a photo from 1971 that John Kent, professor of supply chain management at the University of Arkansas, likes to show. It’s of a shaggy-haired 18-year-old named Glenn Cowan grinning at three-time world table tennis champion Zhuang Zedong, while holding a silk tapestry Zhuang had just given him. Cowan was a member of the U.S. table tennis team who participated in the 1971 World Table Tennis Championships in Nagoya, Japan. Story has it that one morning, he overslept and missed his bus to the tournament and had to hitch a ride with the Chinese national team and met and connected with Zhuang.
Cowan and Zhuang’s interaction led to an invitation for the U.S. team to visit China. At the time, the two countries were just beginning to emerge from a 20-year period of decidedly frosty relations, strict travel bans, and trade restrictions. The highly publicized trip signaled a willingness on both sides to renew relations and launched the term “pingpong diplomacy.”
Kent, who is a senior fellow at the George H. W. Bush Foundation for U.S.-China Relations, believes the photograph is a good reminder that some 50-odd years ago, the economies of the United States and China were not as tightly interwoven as they are today. At the time, the Nixon administration was looking to form closer political and economic ties between the two countries in hopes of reducing chances of future conflict (and to weaken alliances among Communist countries).
The signals coming out of Washington and Beijing are now, of course, much different than they were in the early 1970s. Instead of advocating for better relations, political rhetoric focuses on the need for the U.S. to “decouple” from China. Both Republicans and Democrats have warned that the U.S. economy is too dependent on goods manufactured in China. They see this dependency as a threat to economic strength, American jobs, supply chain resiliency, and national security.
Supply chain professionals, however, know that extricating ourselves from our reliance on Chinese manufacturing is easier said than done. Many pundits push for a “China + 1” strategy, where companies diversify their manufacturing and sourcing options beyond China. But in reality, that “plus one” is often a Chinese company operating in a different country or a non-Chinese manufacturer that is still heavily dependent on material or subcomponents made in China.
This is the problem when supply chain decisions are made on a global scale without input from supply chain professionals. In an article in the Arkansas Democrat-Gazette, Kent argues that, “The discussions on supply chains mainly take place between government officials who typically bring many other competing issues and agendas to the table. Corporate entities—the individuals and companies directly impacted by supply chains—tend to be under-represented in the conversation.”
Kent is a proponent of what he calls “supply chain diplomacy,” where experts from academia and industry from the U.S. and China work collaboratively to create better, more efficient global supply chains. Take, for example, the “Peace Beans” project that Kent is involved with. This project, jointly formed by Zhejiang University and the Bush China Foundation, proposes balancing supply chains by exporting soybeans from Arkansas to tofu producers in China’s Yunnan province, and, in return, importing coffee beans grown in Yunnan to coffee roasters in Arkansas. Kent believes the operation could even use the same transportation equipment.
The benefits of working collaboratively—instead of continuing to build friction in the supply chain through tariffs and adversarial relationships—are numerous, according to Kent and his colleagues. They believe it would be much better if the two major world economies worked together on issues like global inflation, climate change, and artificial intelligence.
And such relations could play a significant role in strengthening world peace, particularly in light of ongoing tensions over Taiwan. Because, as Kent writes, “The 19th-century idea that ‘When goods don’t cross borders, soldiers will’ is as true today as ever. Perhaps more so.”
Hyster-Yale Materials Handling today announced its plans to fulfill the domestic manufacturing requirements of the Build America, Buy America (BABA) Act for certain portions of its lineup of forklift trucks and container handling equipment.
That means the Greenville, North Carolina-based company now plans to expand its existing American manufacturing with a targeted set of high-capacity models, including electric options, that align with the needs of infrastructure projects subject to BABA requirements. The company’s plans include determining the optimal production location in the United States, strategically expanding sourcing agreements to meet local material requirements, and further developing electric power options for high-capacity equipment.
As a part of the 2021 Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act, the BABA Act aims to increase the use of American-made materials in federally funded infrastructure projects across the U.S., Hyster-Yale says. It was enacted as part of a broader effort to boost domestic manufacturing and economic growth, and mandates that federal dollars allocated to infrastructure – such as roads, bridges, ports and public transit systems – must prioritize materials produced in the USA, including critical items like steel, iron and various construction materials.
Hyster-Yale’s footprint in the U.S. is spread across 10 locations, including three manufacturing facilities.
“Our leadership is fully invested in meeting the needs of businesses that require BABA-compliant material handling solutions,” Tony Salgado, Hyster-Yale’s chief operating officer, said in a release. “We are working to partner with our key domestic suppliers, as well as identifying how best to leverage our own American manufacturing footprint to deliver a competitive solution for our customers and stakeholders. But beyond mere compliance, and in line with the many areas of our business where we are evolving to better support our customers, our commitment remains steadfast. We are dedicated to delivering industry-leading standards in design, durability and performance — qualities that have become synonymous with our brands worldwide and that our customers have come to rely on and expect.”
In a separate move, the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) also gave its approval for the state to advance its Heavy-Duty Omnibus Rule, which is crafted to significantly reduce smog-forming nitrogen oxide (NOx) emissions from new heavy-duty, diesel-powered trucks.
Both rules are intended to deliver health benefits to California citizens affected by vehicle pollution, according to the environmental group Earthjustice. If the state gets federal approval for the final steps to become law, the rules mean that cars on the road in California will largely be zero-emissions a generation from now in the 2050s, accounting for the average vehicle lifespan of vehicles with internal combustion engine (ICE) power sold before that 2035 date.
“This might read like checking a bureaucratic box, but EPA’s approval is a critical step forward in protecting our lungs from pollution and our wallets from the expenses of combustion fuels,” Paul Cort, director of Earthjustice’s Right To Zero campaign, said in a release. “The gradual shift in car sales to zero-emissions models will cut smog and household costs while growing California’s clean energy workforce. Cutting truck pollution will help clear our skies of smog. EPA should now approve the remaining authorization requests from California to allow the state to clean its air and protect its residents.”
However, the truck drivers' industry group Owner-Operator Independent Drivers Association (OOIDA) pushed back against the federal decision allowing the Omnibus Low-NOx rule to advance. "The Omnibus Low-NOx waiver for California calls into question the policymaking process under the Biden administration's EPA. Purposefully injecting uncertainty into a $588 billion American industry is bad for our economy and makes no meaningful progress towards purported environmental goals," (OOIDA) President Todd Spencer said in a release. "EPA's credibility outside of radical environmental circles would have been better served by working with regulated industries rather than ramming through last-minute special interest favors. We look forward to working with the Trump administration's EPA in good faith towards achievable environmental outcomes.”
Editor's note:This article was revised on December 18 to add reaction from OOIDA.
A Canadian startup that provides AI-powered logistics solutions has gained $5.5 million in seed funding to support its concept of creating a digital platform for global trade, according to Toronto-based Starboard.
The round was led by Eclipse, with participation from previous backers Garuda Ventures and Everywhere Ventures. The firm says it will use its new backing to expand its engineering team in Toronto and accelerate its AI-driven product development to simplify supply chain complexities.
According to Starboard, the logistics industry is under immense pressure to adapt to the growing complexity of global trade, which has hit recent hurdles such as the strike at U.S. east and gulf coast ports. That situation calls for innovative solutions to streamline operations and reduce costs for operators.
As a potential solution, Starboard offers its flagship product, which it defines as an AI-based transportation management system (TMS) and rate management system that helps mid-sized freight forwarders operate more efficiently and win more business. More broadly, Starboard says it is building the virtual infrastructure for global trade, allowing freight companies to leverage AI and machine learning to optimize operations such as processing shipments in real time, reconciling invoices, and following up on payments.
"This investment is a pivotal step in our mission to unlock the power of AI for our customers," said Sumeet Trehan, Co-Founder and CEO of Starboard. "Global trade has long been plagued by inefficiencies that drive up costs and reduce competitiveness. Our platform is designed to empower SMB freight forwarders—the backbone of more than $20 trillion in global trade and $1 trillion in logistics spend—with the tools they need to thrive in this complex ecosystem."