Mark Solomon joined DC VELOCITY as senior editor in August 2008, and was promoted to his current position on January 1, 2015. He has spent more than 30 years in the transportation, logistics and supply chain management fields as a journalist and public relations professional. From 1989 to 1994, he worked in Washington as a reporter for the Journal of Commerce, covering the aviation and trucking industries, the Department of Transportation, Congress and the U.S. Supreme Court. Prior to that, he worked for Traffic World for seven years in a similar role. From 1994 to 2008, Mr. Solomon ran Media-Based Solutions, a public relations firm based in Atlanta. He graduated in 1978 with a B.A. in journalism from The American University in Washington, D.C.
What accounted for the wide swing in less than three weeks? Management may have succeeded during that time in
persuading the rank and file that the choice came down to accepting a revised offer or kiss their company, and their
jobs, goodbye. But it could have just as easily come down to one word: equality.
The company's first offer included wage increases and lump-sum bonuses for its drivers over the five-year
life of the extended contract. However, it froze salaries for so-called non-CDL employees, or workers who don't
hold a commercial driver's license. These employees include the thousands of dockworkers manning breakbulk
terminals in mostly large, established markets. These cities have sizable voting blocks and have members both
seasoned and active in labor contract issues.
Angered by the exclusion and by the prospect of no wage increases through March 2019, many workers told the company
to pound sand; big markets like Los Angeles, Chicago, Atlanta, Dallas, and Kansas City had a wide swath of "no" votes,
according to data from SJ Consulting, a Pittsburgh-based consultancy. SJ estimated that non-CDL employees account for
7,000 of YRC's unionized workforce of 26,000 to 30,000 members.
Stunned by the outcome, YRC executives scrambled to right the rig. Unlike the first proposal that was sent directly
to the membership without any input from union negotiators, the second proposal was the byproduct of intense bargaining
with Teamster hierarchy. It included, among other things, a softening of vacation restrictions, additional protections
for drivers affected by provisions allowing YRC to subcontract up to 6 percent of its driver work, and language that
would not subject any profit-sharing bonuses to the 15-percent annual wage reductions that were first negotiated in
2010 and will remain in effect through March 2019.
Perhaps most important, the revised offer brought nondrivers to parity with their driver counterparts; all union workers
will now receive annual lump-sum bonuses in each of the extended contract's first two years, with annual hourly
increases—offset by the 15- percent wage reduction—in the next three years.
The change in the wage language, combined with the knowledge that the union's top officials were involved in the process,
may have turned the tide. SJ's data, which took the form of a map of YRC's nationwide terminal network, showed a dramatic shift
in a number of key markets. Many cities that had either rejected the first offer or had split the votes down the middle swung to
ratification the second time around.
The contract extension restarted the all-important debt restructuring process that had stalled after the initial vote. YRC
said today it would go ahead with its plan to issue $250 million in equity, the proceeds of which will be used to pay off part
of its $1.4 billion debt load. In addition, bondholders have agreed to swap an additional $50 million in debt for new equity.
The company is also expected to receive two five-year-term loans for a total $1.1 billion in two five-year-term loans. Each
loan will be repaid at lower carrying costs than the crushing double-digit interest rates that currently accompany the company's
debt service. YRC's lenders demanded a contract extension with labor concessions in return for agreeing to restructure the
company's debt.
The ratification vote buys YRC labor peace for nearly the rest of the decade. But as in 2009 and 2010 when the rank and file
agreed to three extraordinary rounds of concessions to keep the company alive, this latest cycle will not play out painlessly
for labor. The company had estimated its original proposal would, along with unspecified corporate efficiencies, save it about
$100 million a year. There is little doubt that a chunk of those savings will come on the backs of workers, especially since
major wage and pension cutbacks already in effect will be unchanged.
For union employees at YRC's profitable regional division, the hurt of continued concessions is amplified by the bitterness
of feeling like the proverbial good son punished for the sins of the father. The elder, in this case, is YRC Freight, the
company's long-haul division, which has been an operating and financial mess since the old Yellow Transportation Co. bought
rival Roadway Express in 2003 and launched what would become a disastrous, multiyear integration.
"It makes me sick to my stomach," said Stephen Walski, a Joliet, Ill.-based driver for Holland, one of YRC's regional carriers.
Walski, an 18-year employee who had opposed further concessions, said many workers were scared by management's threats that the
company would cease operations Feb. 1 if the revised offer was rejected. Walski said he was suspicious about the wide swing in
the margins of the two votes and charged the union and the company with lying to the workers.
WELCH'S CHALLENGE
In this climate of mistrust, the burden falls squarely on YRC CEO James L. Welch to reassure anxious shippers,
boost the morale of deflated workers, and fend off thrusts by rivals poised to pick off profitable accounts if the
revised deal fell through. Welch will have several gusts of tailwind, namely a better—though hardly robust—economy;
a more disciplined pricing environment that will deter competitors from underbidding YRC for business; and a still-solid terminal
network with prime locations in markets like Chicago. YRC is also past a botched summertime network realignment of YRC Freight
that caused service disruptions, ratcheted up costs, and helped lead to the removal of Jeffrey A. Rogers as the unit's CEO.
Welch, who has since taken over the helm of the unit, said its operating metrics are back to where they were prior to the
start of the restructuring.
YRC also enjoys, from a wage standpoint at least, a seeming cost advantage over its two unionized rivals: ABF Freight System,
a unit of Fort Smith, Ark-based Arkansas Best Corp., and UPS Freight, the LTL division of Atlanta-based UPS Inc. According to SJ
data, the top rate for a YRC Freight driver in central Pennsylvania is $21.10 an hour. The top rates for ABF and UPS Freight
drivers are $22.72 and $26.65 an hour, respectively. The regional data is representative of the nationwide wage differential
between the carriers. Over the past three months, ABF and UPS Freight reached new collective-bargaining agreements with the Teamsters.
Satish Jindel, founder and president of SJ consulting, however, cautions that the data excludes the impact of health, welfare,
and benefit contributions as well as work-rule changes, all of which can add or subtract to the total cost of a carrier's
operations. Thus, there is no certainty that UPS Freight has the highest costs even though it pays the highest wages, he said.
YRC, which currently controls about 9 percent of U.S. LTL capacity, also has what is believed to be a loyal cluster of big
customers, including The Home Depot Inc., Wal-Mart Stores Inc., the Boeing Co., and broker and third-party logistics giant C.H.
Robinson Worldwide Inc. Welch said in an interview yesterday that YRC was regularly communicating with customers about operational
scenarios but was not addressing financial issues with them.
A top-level transportation executive who asked not to be identified said it was in the shippers' best interests for YRC to
remain on the road. "None of these guys want YRC to fail. It will cause panic and it will trigger chaos on multiple fronts,"
the executive said prior to the results of the second vote.
The most significant takeaway from this wrenching and seemingly endless saga is that YRC has gained financial breathing space,
increased its operating maneuverability, and cast its lenders off its back. However, the company still has significant mountains
to climb. It is a high-cost, unionized player in a largely low-cost, nonunion environment. It has old terminals and an aging
fleet—although a fleet's age is less important for LTL carriers that don't log as many miles as their truckload brethren.
One day, it will have to make good on a multibillion dollar pension nut. It still has a billion-dollar debt load, though it
will be carried at lower interest expense than before. And those who've walked this road for the past five years know that
YRC has made similar pledges of improvement before, only to return to the precipice.
Still, Jindel—who during YRC's darkest days in 2009 said that the company would survive while others wrote it
off—believes that Welch is a strong and competent leader who now finally has the tools he needs to make YRC
sustainable. "He has a very long runway to land safely on and bring people home," he said.
Congestion on U.S. highways is costing the trucking industry big, according to research from the American Transportation Research Institute (ATRI), released today.
The group found that traffic congestion on U.S. highways added $108.8 billion in costs to the trucking industry in 2022, a record high. The information comes from ATRI’s Cost of Congestion study, which is part of the organization’s ongoing highway performance measurement research.
Total hours of congestion fell slightly compared to 2021 due to softening freight market conditions, but the cost of operating a truck increased at a much higher rate, according to the research. As a result, the overall cost of congestion increased by 15% year-over-year—a level equivalent to more than 430,000 commercial truck drivers sitting idle for one work year and an average cost of $7,588 for every registered combination truck.
The analysis also identified metropolitan delays and related impacts, showing that the top 10 most-congested states each experienced added costs of more than $8 billion. That list was led by Texas, at $9.17 billion in added costs; California, at $8.77 billion; and Florida, $8.44 billion. Rounding out the top 10 list were New York, Georgia, New Jersey, Illinois, Pennsylvania, Louisiana, and Tennessee. Combined, the top 10 states account for more than half of the trucking industry’s congestion costs nationwide—52%, according to the research.
The metro areas with the highest congestion costs include New York City, $6.68 billion; Miami, $3.2 billion; and Chicago, $3.14 billion.
ATRI’s analysis also found that the trucking industry wasted more than 6.4 billion gallons of diesel fuel in 2022 due to congestion, resulting in additional fuel costs of $32.1 billion.
ATRI used a combination of data sources, including its truck GPS database and Operational Costs study benchmarks, to calculate the impacts of trucking delays on major U.S. roadways.
There’s a photo from 1971 that John Kent, professor of supply chain management at the University of Arkansas, likes to show. It’s of a shaggy-haired 18-year-old named Glenn Cowan grinning at three-time world table tennis champion Zhuang Zedong, while holding a silk tapestry Zhuang had just given him. Cowan was a member of the U.S. table tennis team who participated in the 1971 World Table Tennis Championships in Nagoya, Japan. Story has it that one morning, he overslept and missed his bus to the tournament and had to hitch a ride with the Chinese national team and met and connected with Zhuang.
Cowan and Zhuang’s interaction led to an invitation for the U.S. team to visit China. At the time, the two countries were just beginning to emerge from a 20-year period of decidedly frosty relations, strict travel bans, and trade restrictions. The highly publicized trip signaled a willingness on both sides to renew relations and launched the term “pingpong diplomacy.”
Kent, who is a senior fellow at the George H. W. Bush Foundation for U.S.-China Relations, believes the photograph is a good reminder that some 50-odd years ago, the economies of the United States and China were not as tightly interwoven as they are today. At the time, the Nixon administration was looking to form closer political and economic ties between the two countries in hopes of reducing chances of future conflict (and to weaken alliances among Communist countries).
The signals coming out of Washington and Beijing are now, of course, much different than they were in the early 1970s. Instead of advocating for better relations, political rhetoric focuses on the need for the U.S. to “decouple” from China. Both Republicans and Democrats have warned that the U.S. economy is too dependent on goods manufactured in China. They see this dependency as a threat to economic strength, American jobs, supply chain resiliency, and national security.
Supply chain professionals, however, know that extricating ourselves from our reliance on Chinese manufacturing is easier said than done. Many pundits push for a “China + 1” strategy, where companies diversify their manufacturing and sourcing options beyond China. But in reality, that “plus one” is often a Chinese company operating in a different country or a non-Chinese manufacturer that is still heavily dependent on material or subcomponents made in China.
This is the problem when supply chain decisions are made on a global scale without input from supply chain professionals. In an article in the Arkansas Democrat-Gazette, Kent argues that, “The discussions on supply chains mainly take place between government officials who typically bring many other competing issues and agendas to the table. Corporate entities—the individuals and companies directly impacted by supply chains—tend to be under-represented in the conversation.”
Kent is a proponent of what he calls “supply chain diplomacy,” where experts from academia and industry from the U.S. and China work collaboratively to create better, more efficient global supply chains. Take, for example, the “Peace Beans” project that Kent is involved with. This project, jointly formed by Zhejiang University and the Bush China Foundation, proposes balancing supply chains by exporting soybeans from Arkansas to tofu producers in China’s Yunnan province, and, in return, importing coffee beans grown in Yunnan to coffee roasters in Arkansas. Kent believes the operation could even use the same transportation equipment.
The benefits of working collaboratively—instead of continuing to build friction in the supply chain through tariffs and adversarial relationships—are numerous, according to Kent and his colleagues. They believe it would be much better if the two major world economies worked together on issues like global inflation, climate change, and artificial intelligence.
And such relations could play a significant role in strengthening world peace, particularly in light of ongoing tensions over Taiwan. Because, as Kent writes, “The 19th-century idea that ‘When goods don’t cross borders, soldiers will’ is as true today as ever. Perhaps more so.”
Hyster-Yale Materials Handling today announced its plans to fulfill the domestic manufacturing requirements of the Build America, Buy America (BABA) Act for certain portions of its lineup of forklift trucks and container handling equipment.
That means the Greenville, North Carolina-based company now plans to expand its existing American manufacturing with a targeted set of high-capacity models, including electric options, that align with the needs of infrastructure projects subject to BABA requirements. The company’s plans include determining the optimal production location in the United States, strategically expanding sourcing agreements to meet local material requirements, and further developing electric power options for high-capacity equipment.
As a part of the 2021 Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act, the BABA Act aims to increase the use of American-made materials in federally funded infrastructure projects across the U.S., Hyster-Yale says. It was enacted as part of a broader effort to boost domestic manufacturing and economic growth, and mandates that federal dollars allocated to infrastructure – such as roads, bridges, ports and public transit systems – must prioritize materials produced in the USA, including critical items like steel, iron and various construction materials.
Hyster-Yale’s footprint in the U.S. is spread across 10 locations, including three manufacturing facilities.
“Our leadership is fully invested in meeting the needs of businesses that require BABA-compliant material handling solutions,” Tony Salgado, Hyster-Yale’s chief operating officer, said in a release. “We are working to partner with our key domestic suppliers, as well as identifying how best to leverage our own American manufacturing footprint to deliver a competitive solution for our customers and stakeholders. But beyond mere compliance, and in line with the many areas of our business where we are evolving to better support our customers, our commitment remains steadfast. We are dedicated to delivering industry-leading standards in design, durability and performance — qualities that have become synonymous with our brands worldwide and that our customers have come to rely on and expect.”
In a separate move, the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) also gave its approval for the state to advance its Heavy-Duty Omnibus Rule, which is crafted to significantly reduce smog-forming nitrogen oxide (NOx) emissions from new heavy-duty, diesel-powered trucks.
Both rules are intended to deliver health benefits to California citizens affected by vehicle pollution, according to the environmental group Earthjustice. If the state gets federal approval for the final steps to become law, the rules mean that cars on the road in California will largely be zero-emissions a generation from now in the 2050s, accounting for the average vehicle lifespan of vehicles with internal combustion engine (ICE) power sold before that 2035 date.
“This might read like checking a bureaucratic box, but EPA’s approval is a critical step forward in protecting our lungs from pollution and our wallets from the expenses of combustion fuels,” Paul Cort, director of Earthjustice’s Right To Zero campaign, said in a release. “The gradual shift in car sales to zero-emissions models will cut smog and household costs while growing California’s clean energy workforce. Cutting truck pollution will help clear our skies of smog. EPA should now approve the remaining authorization requests from California to allow the state to clean its air and protect its residents.”
However, the truck drivers' industry group Owner-Operator Independent Drivers Association (OOIDA) pushed back against the federal decision allowing the Omnibus Low-NOx rule to advance. "The Omnibus Low-NOx waiver for California calls into question the policymaking process under the Biden administration's EPA. Purposefully injecting uncertainty into a $588 billion American industry is bad for our economy and makes no meaningful progress towards purported environmental goals," (OOIDA) President Todd Spencer said in a release. "EPA's credibility outside of radical environmental circles would have been better served by working with regulated industries rather than ramming through last-minute special interest favors. We look forward to working with the Trump administration's EPA in good faith towards achievable environmental outcomes.”
Editor's note:This article was revised on December 18 to add reaction from OOIDA.
A Canadian startup that provides AI-powered logistics solutions has gained $5.5 million in seed funding to support its concept of creating a digital platform for global trade, according to Toronto-based Starboard.
The round was led by Eclipse, with participation from previous backers Garuda Ventures and Everywhere Ventures. The firm says it will use its new backing to expand its engineering team in Toronto and accelerate its AI-driven product development to simplify supply chain complexities.
According to Starboard, the logistics industry is under immense pressure to adapt to the growing complexity of global trade, which has hit recent hurdles such as the strike at U.S. east and gulf coast ports. That situation calls for innovative solutions to streamline operations and reduce costs for operators.
As a potential solution, Starboard offers its flagship product, which it defines as an AI-based transportation management system (TMS) and rate management system that helps mid-sized freight forwarders operate more efficiently and win more business. More broadly, Starboard says it is building the virtual infrastructure for global trade, allowing freight companies to leverage AI and machine learning to optimize operations such as processing shipments in real time, reconciling invoices, and following up on payments.
"This investment is a pivotal step in our mission to unlock the power of AI for our customers," said Sumeet Trehan, Co-Founder and CEO of Starboard. "Global trade has long been plagued by inefficiencies that drive up costs and reduce competitiveness. Our platform is designed to empower SMB freight forwarders—the backbone of more than $20 trillion in global trade and $1 trillion in logistics spend—with the tools they need to thrive in this complex ecosystem."