Mark Solomon joined DC VELOCITY as senior editor in August 2008, and was promoted to his current position on January 1, 2015. He has spent more than 30 years in the transportation, logistics and supply chain management fields as a journalist and public relations professional. From 1989 to 1994, he worked in Washington as a reporter for the Journal of Commerce, covering the aviation and trucking industries, the Department of Transportation, Congress and the U.S. Supreme Court. Prior to that, he worked for Traffic World for seven years in a similar role. From 1994 to 2008, Mr. Solomon ran Media-Based Solutions, a public relations firm based in Atlanta. He graduated in 1978 with a B.A. in journalism from The American University in Washington, D.C.
If the U.S. Postal Service (USPS) finds itself not ready for e-commerce prime time, it won't be for lack of effort or imagination.
After many months of planning, USPS in early August took the wraps off the most ambitious remake of its "Priority Mail" delivery service in more than three decades. The initiative is the Postal Service's boldest step yet to frame its future as the primary shipping conduit of online commerce instead of as the share-draining monopoly carrier of the nation's first-class mail.
For the first time, Priority Mail users are able to select a day-definite delivery, whether it be one, two, or three days out. USPS will offer free shipment tracking and free packaging, as well as free insurance coverage of either $50 to $100 a shipment, depending on how the order is placed. Shipping rates, at least for now, will remain the same. USPS's long-time overnight-delivery service, "Express Mail," has been rebranded "Priority Mail Express," ostensibly to get the public and the shipping community accustomed to the name.
By bundling transport, tracking, insurance, and packaging into one rate, USPS is trying to position itself as the value proposition of choice for the growing number of e-merchants that lack the volume clout of a goliath like Amazon.com. It signals USPS's clear intention to skim off short-haul, lightweight traffic—an e-commerce shipment's DNA—from rivals FedEx Corp. and UPS Inc. It also underscores how serious the Postal Service is about increasing its presence in, if not eventually dominating, the e-commerce delivery space. E-commerce shipping in the U.S. business-to-consumer segment grew 32 percent in 2012 over 2011 levels, according to The Colography Group Inc., an Atlanta-based consultancy. The growth rate for 2013 is shaping up to be similar to that of 2012, Colography said.
USPS will no doubt promote the cost benefits that come with not having any fuel surcharges or the array of add-on delivery fees—such as extended delivery surcharges and address-correction charges, to name just two—that often bedevil companies shipping with FedEx and UPS. USPS will continue to offer Saturday deliveries as part of the basic Priority Mail service, something its rivals do not.
TAILORED TO E-COMMERCE
The service will be sold into business-to-business (B2B) channels as well as the core business-to-consumer (B2C) segment, according to Postmaster General Patrick R. Donahoe. Satish Jindel, founder and head of SJ Consulting, a Pittsburgh-based consultancy, said it would appeal to small to mid-sized B2B customers, though bigger B2B players with large-scale volumes are unlikely to be interested.
Analysts say USPS has shrewdly positioned the revamped delivery network to align with the supply chain characteristics of e-commerce. Next-day service will be available within a radius of, say, 100 miles, a distance that may become the norm for e-shipments as consumers and businesses demand deliveries sometimes within hours, and merchants increase their distribution density in response. Shipments moving 150 miles or farther will probably be delivered in two days. The typical e-commerce shipment weighs between one and five pounds, with four pounds being the average, analysts say. USPS traditionally excels at moving lighter-weight shipments over shorter hauls, they contend.
What's more, USPS stands to benefit by not imposing a so-called minimum charge for its shipments. By contrast, FedEx and UPS assess "minimums" on all parcels. The minimum charges apply even on large national accounts that receive sizable discounts based on volumes tendered. In addition, most of the discounts are skewed toward heavier shipments moving over relatively longer distances, not the lightweight stuff moving in shorter hauls, analysts say. Exploiting its rivals' pricing behavior could work to USPS's advantage, they contend.
Yet selling customers on USPS's pricing advantages may not be as easy as it sounds. Mark S. Schoeman, Colography's president, said many FedEx and UPS shippers either don't understand how their discounts are being applied, or, if they are aware, can't sift through their complicated shipping mix effectively enough to get a handle on it. "Shippers have yet to realize the extent to which the minimums are clipping their discounts," he says.
SAVINGS IN THE NUMBERS
Analysts say Priority Mail could save shippers some serious money. Jerry Hempstead, head of Orlando, Fla.-based consultancy Hempstead Consulting, crunched numbers to compare the per-package cost for a Priority Mail "Commercial Plus" customer—which ships at least 100,000 pieces per year—with the cost of UPS's ground-delivery service to a residence. He found that USPS's rates were 20.8 percent lower for a one-pound shipment, 18.54 percent lower for a two-pound shipment, 16.78 percent for a three-pound shipment, and 7.34 percent for a four-pound shipment. Hempstead's calculations assume that UPS maintains its minimum charges and discounts its rates, fuel surcharges, and residential delivery charges each by 50 percent.
"These are big savings and at least worth a look for a shipper," especially those looking to compete against a company like Amazon, Hempstead says. Hempstead, normally not given to hyperbole and hardly a USPS advocate, says the new strategy is "brilliant."
FedEx's and UPS's competitive options are limited, according to Jindel of SJ Consulting. One counter-strategy would be to trumpet their stellar 97 to 98 percent on-time performances and promote the money-back guarantees that accompany their service offerings, he says. However, the companies may not want to highlight the feature because it raises the specter of shipment losses and because "no one pays much attention anyway" to the money-back guarantees, although the language is embedded in the shipper-carrier contracts.
As solid as the strategy appears to play, the devil, as always, is in the implementation details. USPS will need to sync its pickups to accommodate the production schedules of businesses functioning in an increasingly demanding world. Schoeman says that although USPS has the tools and flexibility to make it work, it is not there yet. It remains to be seen if USPS "can execute on a consistent pattern of pickups," he says.
PERCEPTION PROBLEMS
This is the latest service change in Priority Mail since it was launched in 1968. For years, it was marketed as a two-day delivery service. However, in the 1990s, USPS began promoting it as a two- to three-day delivery service after studies showed that an uncomfortably large number of shipments were not delivered in two days.
That move may have created more problems than it solved. By publicly hedging its bets on delivery windows, USPS left the impression that it lacked visibility into its shipping pipeline. "By setting a two- to three-day delivery range, USPS conveyed to people that it didn't really know" about the status of its packages, says Schoeman. That has created uncertainty among users of all stripes. It's a perception that must be addressed and eliminated if USPS is to capture the shipping dollars of e-merchants and customers that need to know precisely when their packages will arrive, analysts say.
Ironically, the analysts who follow the agency said it always had enough data to know when goods would be delivered. "They have great visibility," says Jindel of SJ Consulting. "They just have to share it with the marketplace."
ADDING TO THE TOP LINE
USPS executives estimate the revamped service will add $500 million a year in revenue to an organization that generates about $63 billion annually. It is also likely to accelerate the momentum in USPS's "shipping and packages" segment, of which Priority Mail is a part. In a report filed with the Postal Regulatory Commission on its fiscal third quarter (which ended June 30), USPS said revenue for "shipping and packages" increased 8.8 percent to nearly $3 billion. That accounts for slightly less than 20 percent of all revenue for the quarter. Volumes for the segment grew 7.1 percent from the same period a year ago, USPS said.
However, USPS knows that the gains in shipping services cannot offset the declines in first-class mail revenue and volume caused by the growth of digital mailing options. In its fiscal third-quarter filing, it said that revenues from the shipping and package segment "would have to grow at a substantially higher rate in order to replace the contribution of first-class mail," which is its most profitable segment.
Virtually no one sees that occurring any time soon, if ever.
Congestion on U.S. highways is costing the trucking industry big, according to research from the American Transportation Research Institute (ATRI), released today.
The group found that traffic congestion on U.S. highways added $108.8 billion in costs to the trucking industry in 2022, a record high. The information comes from ATRI’s Cost of Congestion study, which is part of the organization’s ongoing highway performance measurement research.
Total hours of congestion fell slightly compared to 2021 due to softening freight market conditions, but the cost of operating a truck increased at a much higher rate, according to the research. As a result, the overall cost of congestion increased by 15% year-over-year—a level equivalent to more than 430,000 commercial truck drivers sitting idle for one work year and an average cost of $7,588 for every registered combination truck.
The analysis also identified metropolitan delays and related impacts, showing that the top 10 most-congested states each experienced added costs of more than $8 billion. That list was led by Texas, at $9.17 billion in added costs; California, at $8.77 billion; and Florida, $8.44 billion. Rounding out the top 10 list were New York, Georgia, New Jersey, Illinois, Pennsylvania, Louisiana, and Tennessee. Combined, the top 10 states account for more than half of the trucking industry’s congestion costs nationwide—52%, according to the research.
The metro areas with the highest congestion costs include New York City, $6.68 billion; Miami, $3.2 billion; and Chicago, $3.14 billion.
ATRI’s analysis also found that the trucking industry wasted more than 6.4 billion gallons of diesel fuel in 2022 due to congestion, resulting in additional fuel costs of $32.1 billion.
ATRI used a combination of data sources, including its truck GPS database and Operational Costs study benchmarks, to calculate the impacts of trucking delays on major U.S. roadways.
There’s a photo from 1971 that John Kent, professor of supply chain management at the University of Arkansas, likes to show. It’s of a shaggy-haired 18-year-old named Glenn Cowan grinning at three-time world table tennis champion Zhuang Zedong, while holding a silk tapestry Zhuang had just given him. Cowan was a member of the U.S. table tennis team who participated in the 1971 World Table Tennis Championships in Nagoya, Japan. Story has it that one morning, he overslept and missed his bus to the tournament and had to hitch a ride with the Chinese national team and met and connected with Zhuang.
Cowan and Zhuang’s interaction led to an invitation for the U.S. team to visit China. At the time, the two countries were just beginning to emerge from a 20-year period of decidedly frosty relations, strict travel bans, and trade restrictions. The highly publicized trip signaled a willingness on both sides to renew relations and launched the term “pingpong diplomacy.”
Kent, who is a senior fellow at the George H. W. Bush Foundation for U.S.-China Relations, believes the photograph is a good reminder that some 50-odd years ago, the economies of the United States and China were not as tightly interwoven as they are today. At the time, the Nixon administration was looking to form closer political and economic ties between the two countries in hopes of reducing chances of future conflict (and to weaken alliances among Communist countries).
The signals coming out of Washington and Beijing are now, of course, much different than they were in the early 1970s. Instead of advocating for better relations, political rhetoric focuses on the need for the U.S. to “decouple” from China. Both Republicans and Democrats have warned that the U.S. economy is too dependent on goods manufactured in China. They see this dependency as a threat to economic strength, American jobs, supply chain resiliency, and national security.
Supply chain professionals, however, know that extricating ourselves from our reliance on Chinese manufacturing is easier said than done. Many pundits push for a “China + 1” strategy, where companies diversify their manufacturing and sourcing options beyond China. But in reality, that “plus one” is often a Chinese company operating in a different country or a non-Chinese manufacturer that is still heavily dependent on material or subcomponents made in China.
This is the problem when supply chain decisions are made on a global scale without input from supply chain professionals. In an article in the Arkansas Democrat-Gazette, Kent argues that, “The discussions on supply chains mainly take place between government officials who typically bring many other competing issues and agendas to the table. Corporate entities—the individuals and companies directly impacted by supply chains—tend to be under-represented in the conversation.”
Kent is a proponent of what he calls “supply chain diplomacy,” where experts from academia and industry from the U.S. and China work collaboratively to create better, more efficient global supply chains. Take, for example, the “Peace Beans” project that Kent is involved with. This project, jointly formed by Zhejiang University and the Bush China Foundation, proposes balancing supply chains by exporting soybeans from Arkansas to tofu producers in China’s Yunnan province, and, in return, importing coffee beans grown in Yunnan to coffee roasters in Arkansas. Kent believes the operation could even use the same transportation equipment.
The benefits of working collaboratively—instead of continuing to build friction in the supply chain through tariffs and adversarial relationships—are numerous, according to Kent and his colleagues. They believe it would be much better if the two major world economies worked together on issues like global inflation, climate change, and artificial intelligence.
And such relations could play a significant role in strengthening world peace, particularly in light of ongoing tensions over Taiwan. Because, as Kent writes, “The 19th-century idea that ‘When goods don’t cross borders, soldiers will’ is as true today as ever. Perhaps more so.”
Hyster-Yale Materials Handling today announced its plans to fulfill the domestic manufacturing requirements of the Build America, Buy America (BABA) Act for certain portions of its lineup of forklift trucks and container handling equipment.
That means the Greenville, North Carolina-based company now plans to expand its existing American manufacturing with a targeted set of high-capacity models, including electric options, that align with the needs of infrastructure projects subject to BABA requirements. The company’s plans include determining the optimal production location in the United States, strategically expanding sourcing agreements to meet local material requirements, and further developing electric power options for high-capacity equipment.
As a part of the 2021 Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act, the BABA Act aims to increase the use of American-made materials in federally funded infrastructure projects across the U.S., Hyster-Yale says. It was enacted as part of a broader effort to boost domestic manufacturing and economic growth, and mandates that federal dollars allocated to infrastructure – such as roads, bridges, ports and public transit systems – must prioritize materials produced in the USA, including critical items like steel, iron and various construction materials.
Hyster-Yale’s footprint in the U.S. is spread across 10 locations, including three manufacturing facilities.
“Our leadership is fully invested in meeting the needs of businesses that require BABA-compliant material handling solutions,” Tony Salgado, Hyster-Yale’s chief operating officer, said in a release. “We are working to partner with our key domestic suppliers, as well as identifying how best to leverage our own American manufacturing footprint to deliver a competitive solution for our customers and stakeholders. But beyond mere compliance, and in line with the many areas of our business where we are evolving to better support our customers, our commitment remains steadfast. We are dedicated to delivering industry-leading standards in design, durability and performance — qualities that have become synonymous with our brands worldwide and that our customers have come to rely on and expect.”
In a separate move, the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) also gave its approval for the state to advance its Heavy-Duty Omnibus Rule, which is crafted to significantly reduce smog-forming nitrogen oxide (NOx) emissions from new heavy-duty, diesel-powered trucks.
Both rules are intended to deliver health benefits to California citizens affected by vehicle pollution, according to the environmental group Earthjustice. If the state gets federal approval for the final steps to become law, the rules mean that cars on the road in California will largely be zero-emissions a generation from now in the 2050s, accounting for the average vehicle lifespan of vehicles with internal combustion engine (ICE) power sold before that 2035 date.
“This might read like checking a bureaucratic box, but EPA’s approval is a critical step forward in protecting our lungs from pollution and our wallets from the expenses of combustion fuels,” Paul Cort, director of Earthjustice’s Right To Zero campaign, said in a release. “The gradual shift in car sales to zero-emissions models will cut smog and household costs while growing California’s clean energy workforce. Cutting truck pollution will help clear our skies of smog. EPA should now approve the remaining authorization requests from California to allow the state to clean its air and protect its residents.”
However, the truck drivers' industry group Owner-Operator Independent Drivers Association (OOIDA) pushed back against the federal decision allowing the Omnibus Low-NOx rule to advance. "The Omnibus Low-NOx waiver for California calls into question the policymaking process under the Biden administration's EPA. Purposefully injecting uncertainty into a $588 billion American industry is bad for our economy and makes no meaningful progress towards purported environmental goals," (OOIDA) President Todd Spencer said in a release. "EPA's credibility outside of radical environmental circles would have been better served by working with regulated industries rather than ramming through last-minute special interest favors. We look forward to working with the Trump administration's EPA in good faith towards achievable environmental outcomes.”
Editor's note:This article was revised on December 18 to add reaction from OOIDA.
Global trade will see a moderate rebound in 2025, likely growing by 3.6% in volume terms, helped by companies restocking and households renewing purchases of durable goods while reducing spending on services, according to a forecast from trade credit insurer Allianz Trade.
The end of the year for 2024 will also likely be supported by companies rushing to ship goods in anticipation of the higher tariffs likely to be imposed by the coming Trump administration, and other potential disruptions in the coming quarters, the report said.
However, that tailwind for global trade will likely shift to a headwind once the effects of a renewed but contained trade war are felt from the second half of 2025 and in full in 2026. As a result, Allianz Trade has throttled back its predictions, saying that global trade in volume will grow by 2.8% in 2025 (reduced by 0.2 percentage points vs. its previous forecast) and 2.3% in 2026 (reduced by 0.5 percentage points).
The same logic applies to Allianz Trade’s forecast for export prices in U.S. dollars, which the firm has now revised downward to predict growth reaching 2.3% in 2025 (reduced by 1.7 percentage points) and 4.1% in 2026 (reduced by 0.8 percentage points).
In the meantime, the rush to frontload imports into the U.S. is giving freight carriers an early Christmas present. According to Allianz Trade, data released last week showed Chinese exports rising by a robust 6.7% y/y in November. And imports of some consumer goods that have been threatened with a likely 25% tariff under the new Trump administration have outperformed even more, growing by nearly 20% y/y on average between July and September.