Mark Solomon joined DC VELOCITY as senior editor in August 2008, and was promoted to his current position on January 1, 2015. He has spent more than 30 years in the transportation, logistics and supply chain management fields as a journalist and public relations professional. From 1989 to 1994, he worked in Washington as a reporter for the Journal of Commerce, covering the aviation and trucking industries, the Department of Transportation, Congress and the U.S. Supreme Court. Prior to that, he worked for Traffic World for seven years in a similar role. From 1994 to 2008, Mr. Solomon ran Media-Based Solutions, a public relations firm based in Atlanta. He graduated in 1978 with a B.A. in journalism from The American University in Washington, D.C.
For 106 years, UPS Inc. has been guided by a linear and logical philosophy. It identified a
problem or an opportunity, and then developed clear and consistent processes to address it.
Atlanta-based UPS has come to view its strategy as something of an irresistible force, and its long history of
success somewhat validates that claim. But as UPS announced yesterday it was abandoning its $6.8 billion buyout
of Dutch delivery firm TNT Express, it became clear the irresistible force had met its match in an immovable object,
namely the deeply entrenched and byzantine antitrust culture of the European Union (EU).
When UPS agreed last March to acquire TNT Express, it figured it was following a logical path. TNT Express was
foundering, it lacked management direction, and its customer service metrics were declining. It was piling up
losses in Europe, Brazil, and Asia. Despite having the largest market share of any European parcel carrier at
about 18 percent, it faced a future of irrelevance against the well-capitalized likes of UPS, DHL Express, and FedEx Corp.
To many, a buyout was TNT Express' only hope of avoiding a death spiral and a subsequent yard sale of its assets. Enter UPS,
and only UPS. No company made a counteroffer for TNT Express. Thus it became a battle between UPS and the European Commission
(EC), the EU's regulatory body.
UPS presumed the EC would welcome a nearly $7 billion injection of capital at a time when the continent was facing
the worst financial crisis in decades. UPS thought regulators would recognize TNT's dire situation and approve a deal
that would preserve its assets and possibly thousands of jobs, while giving shippers a strong alternative for transport
and logistics services. UPS also believed it could address any antitrust concerns that would be thrown its way.
UPS may not have foreseen what lay ahead. The EC submitted a list of competitive issues. UPS and TNT Express made
three separate proposals in an attempt to remedy the concerns, including the sale of assets and allowing competitors'
access to network capabilities in various countries. The EC never gave UPS any guidance as to whether it was on the
right path or on what needed correcting. As one source close to the situation remarked about the EC's modus operandi,
"They don't tell you what to do."
All that UPS had to go by were public statements by EC officials that they were concerned about the company's
ability to create an environment of "equivalent competitive pressure" by ensuring that assets were sold to a viable rival.
The stipulation that UPS sell to a viable rival presented a problem. In an ironic twist, considering that some felt that
UPS' bid was designed to keep TNT Express out of FedEx's hands, UPS and archrival FedEx held very informal discussions about
asset sales. The conversations, however, never made it up to the CEO levels, and FedEx, which has never been truly interested
in TNT Express, continued to demonstrate its disinterest.
UPS also tried to strike a deal to sell assets to DPD, the German parcel unit of French postal firm La Poste. But DPD
lacked the infrastructure needed to rise to the EC's ambiguous demand of "equivalent competitive pressure."
Finally, the EC told the companies that it was "working" on rejecting the deal, and UPS did what many long thought it
would do when pushed to the limits of its logical thought process: It walked.
UPS will certainly live to fight another day. While it paid TNT Express a $267 million "breakup" fee for terminating the
purchase, that's small change for a company that generated $3.6 billion in free cash flow through the first nine months of 2012.
There are a lot of other transportation and logistics companies in the world that would welcome a buyout, and UPS has the firepower
to oblige.
Indeed, many in the investment community breathed a sigh of relief that UPS would avoid the scenario of committing nearly $7
billion of shareholder wealth to an acquisition only to spawn a messy and expensive integration process on a continent where
regulators don't make it easy to execute. UPS' stock price rose 1.7 percent yesterday as the market—for a day at least—reacted
positively to the news that the deal was dead.
THE FUTURE FOR TNT
For TNT Express, the future is uncertain at best. In a statement, it admitted the saga had
become a distraction to management, and it would work towards reassuring customers and employees
of its commitment to compete on a standalone basis. It has been reported the company will use the
termination fee to improve its balance sheet.
The failed deal shaved about 40 percent off TNT Express' share price yesterday, though by mid-day today in European
trading its share value had rebounded about 5 percent. With TNT Express' shares significantly cheaper today than they
were on Friday, it would be reasonable to wonder if that would spark some buying interest.
At an investor conference in March 2011, FedEx CFO Alan B. Graf Jr. said the company would stay away from TNT Express
because it was too richly priced. Given that Memphis-based FedEx has since embarked on a strategy to expand internationally
through organic growth and smaller acquisitions, a gulp of this size, even at what might be considered a discounted price,
seems farfetched.
As for DHL, its silence speaks volumes. Publicly, it has shown no interest in TNT Express. However, DHL harbors hard
feelings towards UPS for trying to block DHL's 2003 takeover of Airborne, and it would surprise no one if DHL and its parent,
German giant Deutsche Post, used their combined lobbying heft in Brussels to torpedo the deal and drive down TNT Express' share
price to levels ripe for DHL's picking.
Jerry Hempstead, who battled UPS for decades as a top U.S. sales executive for Airborne and then DHL, doesn't believe the
last word has been written on Big Brown's involvement. "Knowing UPS, I just can't see them giving up and walking away," said
Hempstead, who runs an Orlando, Fla.-based parcel consultancy bearing his name.
Barring an acquisition, though, Hempstead sees no future for TNT Express on its own. "I believe that the termination fee
will now be insufficient to save TNT from implosion," he said.
Unless a suitor steps up or TNT Express can engineer a remarkable turnaround, the endgame could be a breakup of the
once-proud company, a wholesale dumping of assets, and perhaps the loss of many jobs. If that is the case, the EC will have to come to grips with the fact that in the interest of preserving its unique concept of competition, it aided and
abetted the immolation of a prominent European company.
Congestion on U.S. highways is costing the trucking industry big, according to research from the American Transportation Research Institute (ATRI), released today.
The group found that traffic congestion on U.S. highways added $108.8 billion in costs to the trucking industry in 2022, a record high. The information comes from ATRI’s Cost of Congestion study, which is part of the organization’s ongoing highway performance measurement research.
Total hours of congestion fell slightly compared to 2021 due to softening freight market conditions, but the cost of operating a truck increased at a much higher rate, according to the research. As a result, the overall cost of congestion increased by 15% year-over-year—a level equivalent to more than 430,000 commercial truck drivers sitting idle for one work year and an average cost of $7,588 for every registered combination truck.
The analysis also identified metropolitan delays and related impacts, showing that the top 10 most-congested states each experienced added costs of more than $8 billion. That list was led by Texas, at $9.17 billion in added costs; California, at $8.77 billion; and Florida, $8.44 billion. Rounding out the top 10 list were New York, Georgia, New Jersey, Illinois, Pennsylvania, Louisiana, and Tennessee. Combined, the top 10 states account for more than half of the trucking industry’s congestion costs nationwide—52%, according to the research.
The metro areas with the highest congestion costs include New York City, $6.68 billion; Miami, $3.2 billion; and Chicago, $3.14 billion.
ATRI’s analysis also found that the trucking industry wasted more than 6.4 billion gallons of diesel fuel in 2022 due to congestion, resulting in additional fuel costs of $32.1 billion.
ATRI used a combination of data sources, including its truck GPS database and Operational Costs study benchmarks, to calculate the impacts of trucking delays on major U.S. roadways.
There’s a photo from 1971 that John Kent, professor of supply chain management at the University of Arkansas, likes to show. It’s of a shaggy-haired 18-year-old named Glenn Cowan grinning at three-time world table tennis champion Zhuang Zedong, while holding a silk tapestry Zhuang had just given him. Cowan was a member of the U.S. table tennis team who participated in the 1971 World Table Tennis Championships in Nagoya, Japan. Story has it that one morning, he overslept and missed his bus to the tournament and had to hitch a ride with the Chinese national team and met and connected with Zhuang.
Cowan and Zhuang’s interaction led to an invitation for the U.S. team to visit China. At the time, the two countries were just beginning to emerge from a 20-year period of decidedly frosty relations, strict travel bans, and trade restrictions. The highly publicized trip signaled a willingness on both sides to renew relations and launched the term “pingpong diplomacy.”
Kent, who is a senior fellow at the George H. W. Bush Foundation for U.S.-China Relations, believes the photograph is a good reminder that some 50-odd years ago, the economies of the United States and China were not as tightly interwoven as they are today. At the time, the Nixon administration was looking to form closer political and economic ties between the two countries in hopes of reducing chances of future conflict (and to weaken alliances among Communist countries).
The signals coming out of Washington and Beijing are now, of course, much different than they were in the early 1970s. Instead of advocating for better relations, political rhetoric focuses on the need for the U.S. to “decouple” from China. Both Republicans and Democrats have warned that the U.S. economy is too dependent on goods manufactured in China. They see this dependency as a threat to economic strength, American jobs, supply chain resiliency, and national security.
Supply chain professionals, however, know that extricating ourselves from our reliance on Chinese manufacturing is easier said than done. Many pundits push for a “China + 1” strategy, where companies diversify their manufacturing and sourcing options beyond China. But in reality, that “plus one” is often a Chinese company operating in a different country or a non-Chinese manufacturer that is still heavily dependent on material or subcomponents made in China.
This is the problem when supply chain decisions are made on a global scale without input from supply chain professionals. In an article in the Arkansas Democrat-Gazette, Kent argues that, “The discussions on supply chains mainly take place between government officials who typically bring many other competing issues and agendas to the table. Corporate entities—the individuals and companies directly impacted by supply chains—tend to be under-represented in the conversation.”
Kent is a proponent of what he calls “supply chain diplomacy,” where experts from academia and industry from the U.S. and China work collaboratively to create better, more efficient global supply chains. Take, for example, the “Peace Beans” project that Kent is involved with. This project, jointly formed by Zhejiang University and the Bush China Foundation, proposes balancing supply chains by exporting soybeans from Arkansas to tofu producers in China’s Yunnan province, and, in return, importing coffee beans grown in Yunnan to coffee roasters in Arkansas. Kent believes the operation could even use the same transportation equipment.
The benefits of working collaboratively—instead of continuing to build friction in the supply chain through tariffs and adversarial relationships—are numerous, according to Kent and his colleagues. They believe it would be much better if the two major world economies worked together on issues like global inflation, climate change, and artificial intelligence.
And such relations could play a significant role in strengthening world peace, particularly in light of ongoing tensions over Taiwan. Because, as Kent writes, “The 19th-century idea that ‘When goods don’t cross borders, soldiers will’ is as true today as ever. Perhaps more so.”
Hyster-Yale Materials Handling today announced its plans to fulfill the domestic manufacturing requirements of the Build America, Buy America (BABA) Act for certain portions of its lineup of forklift trucks and container handling equipment.
That means the Greenville, North Carolina-based company now plans to expand its existing American manufacturing with a targeted set of high-capacity models, including electric options, that align with the needs of infrastructure projects subject to BABA requirements. The company’s plans include determining the optimal production location in the United States, strategically expanding sourcing agreements to meet local material requirements, and further developing electric power options for high-capacity equipment.
As a part of the 2021 Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act, the BABA Act aims to increase the use of American-made materials in federally funded infrastructure projects across the U.S., Hyster-Yale says. It was enacted as part of a broader effort to boost domestic manufacturing and economic growth, and mandates that federal dollars allocated to infrastructure – such as roads, bridges, ports and public transit systems – must prioritize materials produced in the USA, including critical items like steel, iron and various construction materials.
Hyster-Yale’s footprint in the U.S. is spread across 10 locations, including three manufacturing facilities.
“Our leadership is fully invested in meeting the needs of businesses that require BABA-compliant material handling solutions,” Tony Salgado, Hyster-Yale’s chief operating officer, said in a release. “We are working to partner with our key domestic suppliers, as well as identifying how best to leverage our own American manufacturing footprint to deliver a competitive solution for our customers and stakeholders. But beyond mere compliance, and in line with the many areas of our business where we are evolving to better support our customers, our commitment remains steadfast. We are dedicated to delivering industry-leading standards in design, durability and performance — qualities that have become synonymous with our brands worldwide and that our customers have come to rely on and expect.”
In a separate move, the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) also gave its approval for the state to advance its Heavy-Duty Omnibus Rule, which is crafted to significantly reduce smog-forming nitrogen oxide (NOx) emissions from new heavy-duty, diesel-powered trucks.
Both rules are intended to deliver health benefits to California citizens affected by vehicle pollution, according to the environmental group Earthjustice. If the state gets federal approval for the final steps to become law, the rules mean that cars on the road in California will largely be zero-emissions a generation from now in the 2050s, accounting for the average vehicle lifespan of vehicles with internal combustion engine (ICE) power sold before that 2035 date.
“This might read like checking a bureaucratic box, but EPA’s approval is a critical step forward in protecting our lungs from pollution and our wallets from the expenses of combustion fuels,” Paul Cort, director of Earthjustice’s Right To Zero campaign, said in a release. “The gradual shift in car sales to zero-emissions models will cut smog and household costs while growing California’s clean energy workforce. Cutting truck pollution will help clear our skies of smog. EPA should now approve the remaining authorization requests from California to allow the state to clean its air and protect its residents.”
However, the truck drivers' industry group Owner-Operator Independent Drivers Association (OOIDA) pushed back against the federal decision allowing the Omnibus Low-NOx rule to advance. "The Omnibus Low-NOx waiver for California calls into question the policymaking process under the Biden administration's EPA. Purposefully injecting uncertainty into a $588 billion American industry is bad for our economy and makes no meaningful progress towards purported environmental goals," (OOIDA) President Todd Spencer said in a release. "EPA's credibility outside of radical environmental circles would have been better served by working with regulated industries rather than ramming through last-minute special interest favors. We look forward to working with the Trump administration's EPA in good faith towards achievable environmental outcomes.”
Editor's note:This article was revised on December 18 to add reaction from OOIDA.
Global trade will see a moderate rebound in 2025, likely growing by 3.6% in volume terms, helped by companies restocking and households renewing purchases of durable goods while reducing spending on services, according to a forecast from trade credit insurer Allianz Trade.
The end of the year for 2024 will also likely be supported by companies rushing to ship goods in anticipation of the higher tariffs likely to be imposed by the coming Trump administration, and other potential disruptions in the coming quarters, the report said.
However, that tailwind for global trade will likely shift to a headwind once the effects of a renewed but contained trade war are felt from the second half of 2025 and in full in 2026. As a result, Allianz Trade has throttled back its predictions, saying that global trade in volume will grow by 2.8% in 2025 (reduced by 0.2 percentage points vs. its previous forecast) and 2.3% in 2026 (reduced by 0.5 percentage points).
The same logic applies to Allianz Trade’s forecast for export prices in U.S. dollars, which the firm has now revised downward to predict growth reaching 2.3% in 2025 (reduced by 1.7 percentage points) and 4.1% in 2026 (reduced by 0.8 percentage points).
In the meantime, the rush to frontload imports into the U.S. is giving freight carriers an early Christmas present. According to Allianz Trade, data released last week showed Chinese exports rising by a robust 6.7% y/y in November. And imports of some consumer goods that have been threatened with a likely 25% tariff under the new Trump administration have outperformed even more, growing by nearly 20% y/y on average between July and September.