Mark Solomon joined DC VELOCITY as senior editor in August 2008, and was promoted to his current position on January 1, 2015. He has spent more than 30 years in the transportation, logistics and supply chain management fields as a journalist and public relations professional. From 1989 to 1994, he worked in Washington as a reporter for the Journal of Commerce, covering the aviation and trucking industries, the Department of Transportation, Congress and the U.S. Supreme Court. Prior to that, he worked for Traffic World for seven years in a similar role. From 1994 to 2008, Mr. Solomon ran Media-Based Solutions, a public relations firm based in Atlanta. He graduated in 1978 with a B.A. in journalism from The American University in Washington, D.C.
The strike that few thought would happen is now less than three days from actually happening.
Barring a last-minute contract agreement or extension of the existing pact, 14,500 workers represented by the International Longshoremen's Association (ILA) will strike Dec. 30 at 14 ports from Maine to Texas. As of late afternoon on Dec. 27, talks between the ILA and the U.S. Maritime Alliance (USMX), representing ship management, continued under a federal mediator's supervision. But as the days leading up to a Dec. 29 contract deadline turn into hours, those involved in the multibillion dollar seagoing supply chain have concluded that shipping on the East and Gulf coasts will grind to a halt by Sunday night.
Talks broke off Dec. 18 after the ILA refused a mediator's proposal to extend the contract deadline to Feb. 1. The union said it would stand by its strike threat unless management agreed to preserve language providing each worker with annual royalties pegged to the revenue from containerized traffic. Established in 1960 to compensate the union for lost jobs and wages from containerization and automation practices, the program last year provided workers with $211 million in royalty payments—about $15,500 per worker—an amount roughly equal to 10 percent of container revenue, according to management figures.
USMX, which has called the program outdated, wants to freeze payments at 2011 levels and not allow new hires to participate. The ILA believes the issue is part of the basic contract and should be taken off the table entirely.
Dozens of trade groups representing thousands of businesses have urged President Obama to invoke the Taft-Hartley Act, a law that would keep workers on the job and the ports open while labor and management begin an 80-day cooling-off period to hash out their differences. However, with the White House consumed by the federal budget impasse and reluctant to anger its many supporters in organized labor by implementing what is considered an antiunion measure, few expect the president to act before the strike date, if he does so at all.
DUSTING OFF PLAN B
As the two sides fiddle, importers and exporters who thought that workers would refrain from striking because of a sluggish economy and competition from non-ILA ports are now scrambling to keep the supply chain from burning.
"Until Dec. 18, everyone was pretty hopeful that a contract or an extension would be reached," said Ann Bruno, vice president of global trade for TBB Supply Chain Guardian, a New Freedom, Pa.-based global supply chain consultancy that has been helping clients develop strike-related contingency plans.
Once the negotiations collapsed, companies believed a strike was inevitable, and those who hadn't already made alternate arrangements went into panic mode, she said.
TBB began formulating contingency programs last fall, when the two sides hit their first contract deadline only to agree to a 90-day extension on Sept. 20 to keep goods moving through the preholiday shipping season. Should a strike occur, TBB has arranged to move shipments to and from Europe out of the Port of Chester, Pa., located about 15 miles southwest of Philadelphia along the Delaware River. The port is not staffed by ILA labor.
In addition, TBB has instructed its trucker partners to remove every shipment from the affected ports prior to the strike date, a sign the firm and its customers feel a work stoppage is a foregone conclusion.
The firm has also negotiated "bullet mini-landbridge" rates with several ocean carriers for customers who ship from Asia to the East and Gulf coasts only through the Panama Canal. The agreements allow containers from Asia to be transloaded to intermodal service at West Coast ports for the eastbound move.
So-called bullet rates, which must be added to carrier tariffs, are applied to specific commodities. They are usually priced at a discount to rates for "freight all kinds" moves. However, Bruno said her company began negotiating the rates months ago to keep its customers from paying exorbitant prices should intermodal capacity become scarce in the days leading up to a strike.
Many importers had considered diverting deliveries to West Coast ports prior to the original contract expiration date of Sept. 30. The first extension, agreed to Sept. 20, put those plans on hold. However, the events of the past 10 days have forced businesses to dust off their playbooks. The problem, experts said, will be finding viable capacity on such short notice.
LINGERING EFFECTS
A strike, if one occurs, would impact import shipments that are set to reach stores by the end of January or early February. However, U.S. exporters need to get their goods moved now because they are shipping to customers not affected by the walkout and who expect their shippers to honor their commitments.
A top supply chain executive for a major industrial manufacturer, who asked not to be identified, said the firm is forecasting a strike that will last about two weeks. The firm's products that would otherwise move through the affected ports will instead be put in storage for the duration of any work stoppage, according to the executive.
Tim Feemster, senior managing director at New York-based industrial property and logistics firm Newmark Grubb Knight Frank, said he doesn't expect the conflict to be settled by year's end. Feemster said that because retailers are now in a slow replenishment period right after the holidays, delivery diversions to West Coast ports should be the exception rather than the rule. However, another contract extension would trigger diversions, since retailers don't want to find themselves in the same position two to three months down the road, he said.
Another issue facing the supply chain is whether a strike or another extension would coincide with the Lunar New Year, which is Feb. 10 but is marked by at least a week of prior celebrations that result in the closing of many Chinese businesses during that time.
According to Bruno, the dual effects of the Chinese celebrations and potential labor-driven supply chain disruptions have forced companies to order much farther ahead than normal or, in some cases, delay their purchases until the commemorations end.
"Exporters and importers aren't necessarily changing their behavior as much as they are readjusting it," she said.
Congestion on U.S. highways is costing the trucking industry big, according to research from the American Transportation Research Institute (ATRI), released today.
The group found that traffic congestion on U.S. highways added $108.8 billion in costs to the trucking industry in 2022, a record high. The information comes from ATRI’s Cost of Congestion study, which is part of the organization’s ongoing highway performance measurement research.
Total hours of congestion fell slightly compared to 2021 due to softening freight market conditions, but the cost of operating a truck increased at a much higher rate, according to the research. As a result, the overall cost of congestion increased by 15% year-over-year—a level equivalent to more than 430,000 commercial truck drivers sitting idle for one work year and an average cost of $7,588 for every registered combination truck.
The analysis also identified metropolitan delays and related impacts, showing that the top 10 most-congested states each experienced added costs of more than $8 billion. That list was led by Texas, at $9.17 billion in added costs; California, at $8.77 billion; and Florida, $8.44 billion. Rounding out the top 10 list were New York, Georgia, New Jersey, Illinois, Pennsylvania, Louisiana, and Tennessee. Combined, the top 10 states account for more than half of the trucking industry’s congestion costs nationwide—52%, according to the research.
The metro areas with the highest congestion costs include New York City, $6.68 billion; Miami, $3.2 billion; and Chicago, $3.14 billion.
ATRI’s analysis also found that the trucking industry wasted more than 6.4 billion gallons of diesel fuel in 2022 due to congestion, resulting in additional fuel costs of $32.1 billion.
ATRI used a combination of data sources, including its truck GPS database and Operational Costs study benchmarks, to calculate the impacts of trucking delays on major U.S. roadways.
There’s a photo from 1971 that John Kent, professor of supply chain management at the University of Arkansas, likes to show. It’s of a shaggy-haired 18-year-old named Glenn Cowan grinning at three-time world table tennis champion Zhuang Zedong, while holding a silk tapestry Zhuang had just given him. Cowan was a member of the U.S. table tennis team who participated in the 1971 World Table Tennis Championships in Nagoya, Japan. Story has it that one morning, he overslept and missed his bus to the tournament and had to hitch a ride with the Chinese national team and met and connected with Zhuang.
Cowan and Zhuang’s interaction led to an invitation for the U.S. team to visit China. At the time, the two countries were just beginning to emerge from a 20-year period of decidedly frosty relations, strict travel bans, and trade restrictions. The highly publicized trip signaled a willingness on both sides to renew relations and launched the term “pingpong diplomacy.”
Kent, who is a senior fellow at the George H. W. Bush Foundation for U.S.-China Relations, believes the photograph is a good reminder that some 50-odd years ago, the economies of the United States and China were not as tightly interwoven as they are today. At the time, the Nixon administration was looking to form closer political and economic ties between the two countries in hopes of reducing chances of future conflict (and to weaken alliances among Communist countries).
The signals coming out of Washington and Beijing are now, of course, much different than they were in the early 1970s. Instead of advocating for better relations, political rhetoric focuses on the need for the U.S. to “decouple” from China. Both Republicans and Democrats have warned that the U.S. economy is too dependent on goods manufactured in China. They see this dependency as a threat to economic strength, American jobs, supply chain resiliency, and national security.
Supply chain professionals, however, know that extricating ourselves from our reliance on Chinese manufacturing is easier said than done. Many pundits push for a “China + 1” strategy, where companies diversify their manufacturing and sourcing options beyond China. But in reality, that “plus one” is often a Chinese company operating in a different country or a non-Chinese manufacturer that is still heavily dependent on material or subcomponents made in China.
This is the problem when supply chain decisions are made on a global scale without input from supply chain professionals. In an article in the Arkansas Democrat-Gazette, Kent argues that, “The discussions on supply chains mainly take place between government officials who typically bring many other competing issues and agendas to the table. Corporate entities—the individuals and companies directly impacted by supply chains—tend to be under-represented in the conversation.”
Kent is a proponent of what he calls “supply chain diplomacy,” where experts from academia and industry from the U.S. and China work collaboratively to create better, more efficient global supply chains. Take, for example, the “Peace Beans” project that Kent is involved with. This project, jointly formed by Zhejiang University and the Bush China Foundation, proposes balancing supply chains by exporting soybeans from Arkansas to tofu producers in China’s Yunnan province, and, in return, importing coffee beans grown in Yunnan to coffee roasters in Arkansas. Kent believes the operation could even use the same transportation equipment.
The benefits of working collaboratively—instead of continuing to build friction in the supply chain through tariffs and adversarial relationships—are numerous, according to Kent and his colleagues. They believe it would be much better if the two major world economies worked together on issues like global inflation, climate change, and artificial intelligence.
And such relations could play a significant role in strengthening world peace, particularly in light of ongoing tensions over Taiwan. Because, as Kent writes, “The 19th-century idea that ‘When goods don’t cross borders, soldiers will’ is as true today as ever. Perhaps more so.”
Hyster-Yale Materials Handling today announced its plans to fulfill the domestic manufacturing requirements of the Build America, Buy America (BABA) Act for certain portions of its lineup of forklift trucks and container handling equipment.
That means the Greenville, North Carolina-based company now plans to expand its existing American manufacturing with a targeted set of high-capacity models, including electric options, that align with the needs of infrastructure projects subject to BABA requirements. The company’s plans include determining the optimal production location in the United States, strategically expanding sourcing agreements to meet local material requirements, and further developing electric power options for high-capacity equipment.
As a part of the 2021 Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act, the BABA Act aims to increase the use of American-made materials in federally funded infrastructure projects across the U.S., Hyster-Yale says. It was enacted as part of a broader effort to boost domestic manufacturing and economic growth, and mandates that federal dollars allocated to infrastructure – such as roads, bridges, ports and public transit systems – must prioritize materials produced in the USA, including critical items like steel, iron and various construction materials.
Hyster-Yale’s footprint in the U.S. is spread across 10 locations, including three manufacturing facilities.
“Our leadership is fully invested in meeting the needs of businesses that require BABA-compliant material handling solutions,” Tony Salgado, Hyster-Yale’s chief operating officer, said in a release. “We are working to partner with our key domestic suppliers, as well as identifying how best to leverage our own American manufacturing footprint to deliver a competitive solution for our customers and stakeholders. But beyond mere compliance, and in line with the many areas of our business where we are evolving to better support our customers, our commitment remains steadfast. We are dedicated to delivering industry-leading standards in design, durability and performance — qualities that have become synonymous with our brands worldwide and that our customers have come to rely on and expect.”
In a separate move, the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) also gave its approval for the state to advance its Heavy-Duty Omnibus Rule, which is crafted to significantly reduce smog-forming nitrogen oxide (NOx) emissions from new heavy-duty, diesel-powered trucks.
Both rules are intended to deliver health benefits to California citizens affected by vehicle pollution, according to the environmental group Earthjustice. If the state gets federal approval for the final steps to become law, the rules mean that cars on the road in California will largely be zero-emissions a generation from now in the 2050s, accounting for the average vehicle lifespan of vehicles with internal combustion engine (ICE) power sold before that 2035 date.
“This might read like checking a bureaucratic box, but EPA’s approval is a critical step forward in protecting our lungs from pollution and our wallets from the expenses of combustion fuels,” Paul Cort, director of Earthjustice’s Right To Zero campaign, said in a release. “The gradual shift in car sales to zero-emissions models will cut smog and household costs while growing California’s clean energy workforce. Cutting truck pollution will help clear our skies of smog. EPA should now approve the remaining authorization requests from California to allow the state to clean its air and protect its residents.”
However, the truck drivers' industry group Owner-Operator Independent Drivers Association (OOIDA) pushed back against the federal decision allowing the Omnibus Low-NOx rule to advance. "The Omnibus Low-NOx waiver for California calls into question the policymaking process under the Biden administration's EPA. Purposefully injecting uncertainty into a $588 billion American industry is bad for our economy and makes no meaningful progress towards purported environmental goals," (OOIDA) President Todd Spencer said in a release. "EPA's credibility outside of radical environmental circles would have been better served by working with regulated industries rather than ramming through last-minute special interest favors. We look forward to working with the Trump administration's EPA in good faith towards achievable environmental outcomes.”
Editor's note:This article was revised on December 18 to add reaction from OOIDA.
A Canadian startup that provides AI-powered logistics solutions has gained $5.5 million in seed funding to support its concept of creating a digital platform for global trade, according to Toronto-based Starboard.
The round was led by Eclipse, with participation from previous backers Garuda Ventures and Everywhere Ventures. The firm says it will use its new backing to expand its engineering team in Toronto and accelerate its AI-driven product development to simplify supply chain complexities.
According to Starboard, the logistics industry is under immense pressure to adapt to the growing complexity of global trade, which has hit recent hurdles such as the strike at U.S. east and gulf coast ports. That situation calls for innovative solutions to streamline operations and reduce costs for operators.
As a potential solution, Starboard offers its flagship product, which it defines as an AI-based transportation management system (TMS) and rate management system that helps mid-sized freight forwarders operate more efficiently and win more business. More broadly, Starboard says it is building the virtual infrastructure for global trade, allowing freight companies to leverage AI and machine learning to optimize operations such as processing shipments in real time, reconciling invoices, and following up on payments.
"This investment is a pivotal step in our mission to unlock the power of AI for our customers," said Sumeet Trehan, Co-Founder and CEO of Starboard. "Global trade has long been plagued by inefficiencies that drive up costs and reduce competitiveness. Our platform is designed to empower SMB freight forwarders—the backbone of more than $20 trillion in global trade and $1 trillion in logistics spend—with the tools they need to thrive in this complex ecosystem."