Mark Solomon joined DC VELOCITY as senior editor in August 2008, and was promoted to his current position on January 1, 2015. He has spent more than 30 years in the transportation, logistics and supply chain management fields as a journalist and public relations professional. From 1989 to 1994, he worked in Washington as a reporter for the Journal of Commerce, covering the aviation and trucking industries, the Department of Transportation, Congress and the U.S. Supreme Court. Prior to that, he worked for Traffic World for seven years in a similar role. From 1994 to 2008, Mr. Solomon ran Media-Based Solutions, a public relations firm based in Atlanta. He graduated in 1978 with a B.A. in journalism from The American University in Washington, D.C.
The rate increases announced late Friday by UPS Inc. on its 2013 noncontract business mask the actual extent of the cost that retail shippers will have to bear next year, according to two parcel consultants.
The Atlanta-based transportation and logistics giant announced a 5.9-percent increase on noncontract rates for its core ground parcel business, minus a 1-percentage point reduction in applicable ground fuel surcharges. Additionally, tariff rates on the company's air letter, air package, and all U.S.-origin international services will rise 6.5 percent, minus a 2-percent reduction in fuel surcharges. Rates for the company's airfreight services moving within and between the United States, Canada, and Puerto Rico will rise 4.9 percent, as will rates on three-day deliveries within and between the same points.
The new rates, which are essentially a median of the UPS consignment universe, take effect on Dec. 31.
However, all UPS rates will not be created equal, according to an analysis by Shipware, LLC, a San Diego-based consultant. For shipments weighing up to 30 pounds—a key weight class for parcels—tariff rates will rise even more, from a 6.97-percent increase for ground to 8.80 percent for three-day air services, according to Shipware. Rates for next-day air deliveries within that weight class will rise 7.7 percent, Shipware said. All of the increases calculated by Shipware are not adjusted for the impact of fuel surcharges.
The minimum charge for all ground deliveries will rise 35 cents a package to $5.84, an increase of 6.4 percent, Shipware said. It also noted a near double-digit year-over-year increase in a multitude of UPS' "accessorial" charges, fees tacked on by the carrier on top of the base rate for such charges as "address corrections" and "on-call pickups."
Tyre Sperling, a UPS spokesman, confirmed the consultant's estimates.
NO RELIEF FROM FEDEX
Shipware added that the rate increases imposed by UPS rival FedEx Corp. for its air and international services will also exceed the disclosed 5.9 percent "average" rate hike announced by the company. However, the FedEx hikes in the under-30 pound weight class don't appear to be as hefty as those levied by UPS, according to the Shipware data. For example, rate increases on FedEx's two next-day delivery products, Priority Overnight and Standard Overnight, will increase by 5.82 percent and 6.63 percent, respectively, Shipware said.
The tariff increases announced by FedEx, which take effect Jan. 6., will be adjusted for a 2-percent reduction in fuel surcharges. The Memphis-based company has not announced rate changes for its ground parcel or home delivery service. Nor has it announced changes for the operation it conducts jointly with the U.S. Postal Service (USPS).
Gerard Hempstead, who runs an Orlando, Fla.-based parcel consulting company, calculated that UPS' minimum charge will rise by 5.38 percent and that even shippers with discounted pricing programs will have to bear all of that increase. UPS customers "need to plan and budget for at least [a 5.38-percent increase] and not be lulled" by the pronouncements of lower rates made in the company's press release, Hempstead said.
According to Hempstead, the parcel giants have been engaged for years in some nifty sleight-of-hand for calculating their respective fuel surcharges. Hempstead said the companies "bake" about 1 to 2 percent of their fuel surcharges into their base rates, depending on the type of service. As a result, despite the purported surcharge reductions announced by the carriers, shippers are actually paying more for fuel because the charges are being levied from base rates that escalate every year, Hempstead said.
EFFECT OF "DIM WEIGHT"
Another cost challenge confronting shippers is the evolving impact of a move in late 2010 by FedEx and UPS to adopt a new dimensional-weight pricing scheme, effective in 2011, for shipments based on package density. Shippers whose packages fell outside the new and reduced dimensional parameters and who couldn't shrink their shipments' cubic dimensions to fit the revised guidelines were hit with what amounted to double-digit rate increases.
To help ease shippers' transition to the new pricing standards, FedEx and UPS extended the current program for two years. However, that moratorium will expire in 2013. While some shippers have been able to adjust their packaging to conform to the policy changes, many simply can't do much about how their goods are packed and will end up eating the higher costs.
In an Oct. 10 presentation to investors and analysts, FedEx said the revenue from the dimensional pricing changes "substantially exceeded our expectations" in the 2011 calendar year. It is believed that FedEx has generated at least $100 million in additional revenue from the change.
Those who closely follow the parcel industry say the flurry of rate increases from both companies reflects the immense power that the near-duopoly enjoys over the business-to-business segment. DHL Express had served as low-price competitor and a key check on FedEx and UPS, but it left the U.S. market in January 2009 after sustaining billions of dollars in losses over six years. Meanwhile the USPS focuses its formidable resources not on business-to-business but on the business-to-consumer delivery segment, and regional parcel carriers lack the technology and geographic reach to give businesses the coverage they need.
UPS and FedEx know this, parcel consultants say, and they are striking while the iron is hot. The 2013 changes are not the first time, nor will they likely be the last.
"I'm predicting a great 2013 for UPS," says Hempstead.
Congestion on U.S. highways is costing the trucking industry big, according to research from the American Transportation Research Institute (ATRI), released today.
The group found that traffic congestion on U.S. highways added $108.8 billion in costs to the trucking industry in 2022, a record high. The information comes from ATRI’s Cost of Congestion study, which is part of the organization’s ongoing highway performance measurement research.
Total hours of congestion fell slightly compared to 2021 due to softening freight market conditions, but the cost of operating a truck increased at a much higher rate, according to the research. As a result, the overall cost of congestion increased by 15% year-over-year—a level equivalent to more than 430,000 commercial truck drivers sitting idle for one work year and an average cost of $7,588 for every registered combination truck.
The analysis also identified metropolitan delays and related impacts, showing that the top 10 most-congested states each experienced added costs of more than $8 billion. That list was led by Texas, at $9.17 billion in added costs; California, at $8.77 billion; and Florida, $8.44 billion. Rounding out the top 10 list were New York, Georgia, New Jersey, Illinois, Pennsylvania, Louisiana, and Tennessee. Combined, the top 10 states account for more than half of the trucking industry’s congestion costs nationwide—52%, according to the research.
The metro areas with the highest congestion costs include New York City, $6.68 billion; Miami, $3.2 billion; and Chicago, $3.14 billion.
ATRI’s analysis also found that the trucking industry wasted more than 6.4 billion gallons of diesel fuel in 2022 due to congestion, resulting in additional fuel costs of $32.1 billion.
ATRI used a combination of data sources, including its truck GPS database and Operational Costs study benchmarks, to calculate the impacts of trucking delays on major U.S. roadways.
There’s a photo from 1971 that John Kent, professor of supply chain management at the University of Arkansas, likes to show. It’s of a shaggy-haired 18-year-old named Glenn Cowan grinning at three-time world table tennis champion Zhuang Zedong, while holding a silk tapestry Zhuang had just given him. Cowan was a member of the U.S. table tennis team who participated in the 1971 World Table Tennis Championships in Nagoya, Japan. Story has it that one morning, he overslept and missed his bus to the tournament and had to hitch a ride with the Chinese national team and met and connected with Zhuang.
Cowan and Zhuang’s interaction led to an invitation for the U.S. team to visit China. At the time, the two countries were just beginning to emerge from a 20-year period of decidedly frosty relations, strict travel bans, and trade restrictions. The highly publicized trip signaled a willingness on both sides to renew relations and launched the term “pingpong diplomacy.”
Kent, who is a senior fellow at the George H. W. Bush Foundation for U.S.-China Relations, believes the photograph is a good reminder that some 50-odd years ago, the economies of the United States and China were not as tightly interwoven as they are today. At the time, the Nixon administration was looking to form closer political and economic ties between the two countries in hopes of reducing chances of future conflict (and to weaken alliances among Communist countries).
The signals coming out of Washington and Beijing are now, of course, much different than they were in the early 1970s. Instead of advocating for better relations, political rhetoric focuses on the need for the U.S. to “decouple” from China. Both Republicans and Democrats have warned that the U.S. economy is too dependent on goods manufactured in China. They see this dependency as a threat to economic strength, American jobs, supply chain resiliency, and national security.
Supply chain professionals, however, know that extricating ourselves from our reliance on Chinese manufacturing is easier said than done. Many pundits push for a “China + 1” strategy, where companies diversify their manufacturing and sourcing options beyond China. But in reality, that “plus one” is often a Chinese company operating in a different country or a non-Chinese manufacturer that is still heavily dependent on material or subcomponents made in China.
This is the problem when supply chain decisions are made on a global scale without input from supply chain professionals. In an article in the Arkansas Democrat-Gazette, Kent argues that, “The discussions on supply chains mainly take place between government officials who typically bring many other competing issues and agendas to the table. Corporate entities—the individuals and companies directly impacted by supply chains—tend to be under-represented in the conversation.”
Kent is a proponent of what he calls “supply chain diplomacy,” where experts from academia and industry from the U.S. and China work collaboratively to create better, more efficient global supply chains. Take, for example, the “Peace Beans” project that Kent is involved with. This project, jointly formed by Zhejiang University and the Bush China Foundation, proposes balancing supply chains by exporting soybeans from Arkansas to tofu producers in China’s Yunnan province, and, in return, importing coffee beans grown in Yunnan to coffee roasters in Arkansas. Kent believes the operation could even use the same transportation equipment.
The benefits of working collaboratively—instead of continuing to build friction in the supply chain through tariffs and adversarial relationships—are numerous, according to Kent and his colleagues. They believe it would be much better if the two major world economies worked together on issues like global inflation, climate change, and artificial intelligence.
And such relations could play a significant role in strengthening world peace, particularly in light of ongoing tensions over Taiwan. Because, as Kent writes, “The 19th-century idea that ‘When goods don’t cross borders, soldiers will’ is as true today as ever. Perhaps more so.”
Hyster-Yale Materials Handling today announced its plans to fulfill the domestic manufacturing requirements of the Build America, Buy America (BABA) Act for certain portions of its lineup of forklift trucks and container handling equipment.
That means the Greenville, North Carolina-based company now plans to expand its existing American manufacturing with a targeted set of high-capacity models, including electric options, that align with the needs of infrastructure projects subject to BABA requirements. The company’s plans include determining the optimal production location in the United States, strategically expanding sourcing agreements to meet local material requirements, and further developing electric power options for high-capacity equipment.
As a part of the 2021 Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act, the BABA Act aims to increase the use of American-made materials in federally funded infrastructure projects across the U.S., Hyster-Yale says. It was enacted as part of a broader effort to boost domestic manufacturing and economic growth, and mandates that federal dollars allocated to infrastructure – such as roads, bridges, ports and public transit systems – must prioritize materials produced in the USA, including critical items like steel, iron and various construction materials.
Hyster-Yale’s footprint in the U.S. is spread across 10 locations, including three manufacturing facilities.
“Our leadership is fully invested in meeting the needs of businesses that require BABA-compliant material handling solutions,” Tony Salgado, Hyster-Yale’s chief operating officer, said in a release. “We are working to partner with our key domestic suppliers, as well as identifying how best to leverage our own American manufacturing footprint to deliver a competitive solution for our customers and stakeholders. But beyond mere compliance, and in line with the many areas of our business where we are evolving to better support our customers, our commitment remains steadfast. We are dedicated to delivering industry-leading standards in design, durability and performance — qualities that have become synonymous with our brands worldwide and that our customers have come to rely on and expect.”
In a separate move, the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) also gave its approval for the state to advance its Heavy-Duty Omnibus Rule, which is crafted to significantly reduce smog-forming nitrogen oxide (NOx) emissions from new heavy-duty, diesel-powered trucks.
Both rules are intended to deliver health benefits to California citizens affected by vehicle pollution, according to the environmental group Earthjustice. If the state gets federal approval for the final steps to become law, the rules mean that cars on the road in California will largely be zero-emissions a generation from now in the 2050s, accounting for the average vehicle lifespan of vehicles with internal combustion engine (ICE) power sold before that 2035 date.
“This might read like checking a bureaucratic box, but EPA’s approval is a critical step forward in protecting our lungs from pollution and our wallets from the expenses of combustion fuels,” Paul Cort, director of Earthjustice’s Right To Zero campaign, said in a release. “The gradual shift in car sales to zero-emissions models will cut smog and household costs while growing California’s clean energy workforce. Cutting truck pollution will help clear our skies of smog. EPA should now approve the remaining authorization requests from California to allow the state to clean its air and protect its residents.”
However, the truck drivers' industry group Owner-Operator Independent Drivers Association (OOIDA) pushed back against the federal decision allowing the Omnibus Low-NOx rule to advance. "The Omnibus Low-NOx waiver for California calls into question the policymaking process under the Biden administration's EPA. Purposefully injecting uncertainty into a $588 billion American industry is bad for our economy and makes no meaningful progress towards purported environmental goals," (OOIDA) President Todd Spencer said in a release. "EPA's credibility outside of radical environmental circles would have been better served by working with regulated industries rather than ramming through last-minute special interest favors. We look forward to working with the Trump administration's EPA in good faith towards achievable environmental outcomes.”
Editor's note:This article was revised on December 18 to add reaction from OOIDA.
Global trade will see a moderate rebound in 2025, likely growing by 3.6% in volume terms, helped by companies restocking and households renewing purchases of durable goods while reducing spending on services, according to a forecast from trade credit insurer Allianz Trade.
The end of the year for 2024 will also likely be supported by companies rushing to ship goods in anticipation of the higher tariffs likely to be imposed by the coming Trump administration, and other potential disruptions in the coming quarters, the report said.
However, that tailwind for global trade will likely shift to a headwind once the effects of a renewed but contained trade war are felt from the second half of 2025 and in full in 2026. As a result, Allianz Trade has throttled back its predictions, saying that global trade in volume will grow by 2.8% in 2025 (reduced by 0.2 percentage points vs. its previous forecast) and 2.3% in 2026 (reduced by 0.5 percentage points).
The same logic applies to Allianz Trade’s forecast for export prices in U.S. dollars, which the firm has now revised downward to predict growth reaching 2.3% in 2025 (reduced by 1.7 percentage points) and 4.1% in 2026 (reduced by 0.8 percentage points).
In the meantime, the rush to frontload imports into the U.S. is giving freight carriers an early Christmas present. According to Allianz Trade, data released last week showed Chinese exports rising by a robust 6.7% y/y in November. And imports of some consumer goods that have been threatened with a likely 25% tariff under the new Trump administration have outperformed even more, growing by nearly 20% y/y on average between July and September.