Mark Solomon joined DC VELOCITY as senior editor in August 2008, and was promoted to his current position on January 1, 2015. He has spent more than 30 years in the transportation, logistics and supply chain management fields as a journalist and public relations professional. From 1989 to 1994, he worked in Washington as a reporter for the Journal of Commerce, covering the aviation and trucking industries, the Department of Transportation, Congress and the U.S. Supreme Court. Prior to that, he worked for Traffic World for seven years in a similar role. From 1994 to 2008, Mr. Solomon ran Media-Based Solutions, a public relations firm based in Atlanta. He graduated in 1978 with a B.A. in journalism from The American University in Washington, D.C.
Every five years, UPS Inc. and the Teamsters Union step into the ring to negotiate the nation's biggest
collective bargaining agreement. Riding on the outcome are the livelihoods of about a quarter of a million
workers and the fate of nearly 16 million parcels and letters tendered or received by 8.8 million global
customers.
The opening bell has sounded.
Atlanta-based UPS and the union that it has been married to—for better or worse—for about 75 years
met in Washington Sept. 27 so the Teamsters could formally present UPS with its initial proposals for two contracts.
The big contract covers between 240,000 and 250,000 employees in the company's small-package operations. The other proffer
governs an additional 12,000 to 13,000 workers in its UPS Freight less-than-truckload (LTL) unit.
The start date is unusual in that it comes almost 10 months before the July 31, 2013, expiration of both five-year
contracts. The two sides agreed on the early start.
In an early June statement, the Teamsters said the decision to "push UPS to the bargaining table" was
triggered by the company's "recent strong financial performance" and its record profits.
"The struggling economy and the company's recent announcements about record quarterly profits make this good timing to
open negotiations," Ken Hall, general secretary-treasurer and former director of the union's package division, said at the
time. Hall is leading the Teamsters' negotiating team.
Hall said in the statement that the union first wants to address "operational issues" such as subcontracting, workload,
and safety and health so it can focus next year on the contract's financial components, such as wages, health care, and pensions.
UPS declined to comment. Generally, companies favor an early launch date for contract talks in order to get the matter quickly
behind them, and to provide their customers with enough lead time to establish contingencies if negotiations don't go as planned.
Hall spent Sept. 21 in Chicago briefing a cluster of local union officials representing UPS and UPS Freight on key contract
issues. In a Sept. 24 post on its website, the Teamsters said the "UPS and UPS Freight proposals were unanimously approved" by
the local unions. The Teamsters would not comment on specifics of its proposals.
INTERNAL DISAGREEMENT
In a document posted on its website, Teamsters for a Democrat Union (TDU), a dissident group that
frequently clashes with the union establishment led by longtime General President James P. Hoffa, said
that Hall told the locals he would keep union demands modest at UPS Freight because the unit has not been
profitable. According to the TDU document, Hall said the priorities in talks with UPS Freight would be pensions,
health care, and wages, in that order.
Most of the attention, however, will be focused on the small-package bargaining. According to TDU, the union's
proposals include increases in pension payments, including hikes for the 48,000 full-time UPS workers that in 2007
were transferred from the Teamsters' Central States multiemployer pension plan to one that is jointly administered by
UPS and the union.
Under the multiemployer scheme, companies fund pensions not just of their own workers and retirees but also of workers at
other firms participating in the plan. In the trucking industry, that program worked well as long as there were numerous
unionized truckers to equitably distribute the costs. As bankruptcies and consolidations decimated the ranks of union carriers,
survivors like UPS became liable for a larger share of the cost.
UPS paid $6.1 billion to withdraw from the original plan, one of the Teamsters' largest, because it was fed up with funding
the pensions of retirees from other, long-gone companies. It is expected that the change will save UPS a significant amount of
money over time.
According to TDU, the Teamsters proposal also calls for wage increases, especially in starting pay for part-timers. All
part-time workers, other than sorters and pre-loaders, start at $8.50 an hour, a rate TDU said has been frozen since 1987.
Another small-package contract objective, according to TDU, is to force UPS to honor its commitment to convert thousands of
part-time Teamsters jobs to more generous full-time positions. A provision of the 2007 contract requires UPS to offer part-timers
the chance to fill at least 20,000 full-time operational jobs during the life of the contract. Six of every seven available
full-time jobs would have to be staffed by former part-timers, according to the contract.
Similar language was included in contracts negotiated in 1997 and 2002. The issue became a rallying cry for the union in 1997
when it called a strike that shut down UPS for 15 days.
However, Ken Paff, TDU's veteran chief organizer and one of Hoffa's fiercest critics, said the company has not lived up to its
end of the contract bargain over the past five years, and the union leadership hasn't held UPS' feet to the fire.
According to Paff, Hoffa agreed not to aggressively pursue the issue in return for management allowing the Teamsters to
organize workers at UPS Freight, which was known as Overnite Transportation Co. before being acquired by UPS in 2005 for $1.2
billion. Overnite was nonunion throughout its long history, and endured a prolonged and sometimes violent battle with the
Teamsters to stay that way.
Paff said that Hoffa acquiesced in order to show some gains in the union's once-powerful freight division that has been badly
depleted over the years by unionized carrier bankruptcies and a widespread shift to nonunion trucking operations.
SUREPOST, FEDEX COULD BE FACTORS
TDU indicated that Hall wants UPS to propose language that would protect Teamsters jobs threatened by the growth of the
company's delivery relationship with the U.S. Postal Service, in return for the "union's continued cooperation" with the
program, known as "UPS SurePost."
Under the program, UPS tenders parcels to the USPS, which then takes the shipments the so-called "last mile," from the local
post office to destination. The program, designed for e-commerce shipments from online merchants to residences, is inexpensive
for shippers. In many cases, it gives e-merchants the latitude to offer free shipping to its customers, a feature that often
cements an online sale.
The delivery model has gained enormous traction in recent years, mirroring the rise of e-commerce itself. While it is a
relatively low-margin business for UPS, it remains a big growth segment for the company. This is in marked contrast to its
traditional business-to-business service, which has dramatically slowed as companies become more cautious about the U.S. and
international economic environment.
Since the program took off, the Teamsters have grumbled that it reduces the need for more drivers. Paff, for his part, said
it could violate the existing small-package agreement that prohibits subcontracting a service that would otherwise be performed
by a driver.
However, a well-placed industry source said UPS does not divert packages to nonunion subcontractors. Instead, the source said,
the company gives shippers the option of either using UPS to deliver a package directly to the residence or using it to deliver
to the local post office, where the package is turned over to the letter carrier for the last leg.
Still, the source agrees that the program, on balance, lessens the need for UPS drivers and cuts back on their potential
overtime.
The union may need to tread lightly on this issue during negotiations. FedEx Corp., UPS' chief rival and a nonunion ground
carrier, offers a similar service with USPS known as "SmartPost." Given FedEx's labor-cost advantages and the fact that the
product is already price-sensitive, businesses could easily migrate to FedEx should the Teamsters play hardball with UPS, whose
drivers are paid close to $30 an hour and are considered to have generous benefits.
In fact, the specter of FedEx could loom large over all of the talks. FedEx Ground, which competes directly with UPS' core
ground-parcel business, has made major strides over the past 15 years, winning new business and taking market share from its
rival. The Teamsters are not oblivious to the fact, confirmed in FedEx's most recent quarterly results, that all of FedEx's
growth is coming from its ground parcel and LTL units, while its core air business stagnates.
On Oct. 9 and 10, FedEx will unveil a long-awaited plan to revamp its FedEx Express air and international unit, which has been
plagued by high costs and weaker demand for airfreight services in the United States and abroad. Analysts and observers expect the
company to announce significant cost reductions at the two-day meeting.
While the savings would mostly affect FedEx's Express unit, they could bleed into other parts of its operations as well. The
net effect could widen FedEx's cost advantage over UPS, resulting in even more shipment migration.
The initial salvo has just been fired, and no one expects the first round to be the last word. Still, with a slowing U.S.
economy, uncertainty over the November election and fiscal policy in Washington, a monetary crisis in Europe, still-elevated
unemployment, and the threat posed by UPS' very formidable rival, it is thought that the Teamsters will be anxious to strike
a deal, and to do it quickly.
Congestion on U.S. highways is costing the trucking industry big, according to research from the American Transportation Research Institute (ATRI), released today.
The group found that traffic congestion on U.S. highways added $108.8 billion in costs to the trucking industry in 2022, a record high. The information comes from ATRI’s Cost of Congestion study, which is part of the organization’s ongoing highway performance measurement research.
Total hours of congestion fell slightly compared to 2021 due to softening freight market conditions, but the cost of operating a truck increased at a much higher rate, according to the research. As a result, the overall cost of congestion increased by 15% year-over-year—a level equivalent to more than 430,000 commercial truck drivers sitting idle for one work year and an average cost of $7,588 for every registered combination truck.
The analysis also identified metropolitan delays and related impacts, showing that the top 10 most-congested states each experienced added costs of more than $8 billion. That list was led by Texas, at $9.17 billion in added costs; California, at $8.77 billion; and Florida, $8.44 billion. Rounding out the top 10 list were New York, Georgia, New Jersey, Illinois, Pennsylvania, Louisiana, and Tennessee. Combined, the top 10 states account for more than half of the trucking industry’s congestion costs nationwide—52%, according to the research.
The metro areas with the highest congestion costs include New York City, $6.68 billion; Miami, $3.2 billion; and Chicago, $3.14 billion.
ATRI’s analysis also found that the trucking industry wasted more than 6.4 billion gallons of diesel fuel in 2022 due to congestion, resulting in additional fuel costs of $32.1 billion.
ATRI used a combination of data sources, including its truck GPS database and Operational Costs study benchmarks, to calculate the impacts of trucking delays on major U.S. roadways.
Hyster-Yale Materials Handling today announced its plans to fulfill the domestic manufacturing requirements of the Build America, Buy America (BABA) Act for certain portions of its lineup of forklift trucks and container handling equipment.
That means the Greenville, North Carolina-based company now plans to expand its existing American manufacturing with a targeted set of high-capacity models, including electric options, that align with the needs of infrastructure projects subject to BABA requirements. The company’s plans include determining the optimal production location in the United States, strategically expanding sourcing agreements to meet local material requirements, and further developing electric power options for high-capacity equipment.
As a part of the 2021 Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act, the BABA Act aims to increase the use of American-made materials in federally funded infrastructure projects across the U.S., Hyster-Yale says. It was enacted as part of a broader effort to boost domestic manufacturing and economic growth, and mandates that federal dollars allocated to infrastructure – such as roads, bridges, ports and public transit systems – must prioritize materials produced in the USA, including critical items like steel, iron and various construction materials.
Hyster-Yale’s footprint in the U.S. is spread across 10 locations, including three manufacturing facilities.
“Our leadership is fully invested in meeting the needs of businesses that require BABA-compliant material handling solutions,” Tony Salgado, Hyster-Yale’s chief operating officer, said in a release. “We are working to partner with our key domestic suppliers, as well as identifying how best to leverage our own American manufacturing footprint to deliver a competitive solution for our customers and stakeholders. But beyond mere compliance, and in line with the many areas of our business where we are evolving to better support our customers, our commitment remains steadfast. We are dedicated to delivering industry-leading standards in design, durability and performance — qualities that have become synonymous with our brands worldwide and that our customers have come to rely on and expect.”
In a separate move, the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) also gave its approval for the state to advance its Heavy-Duty Omnibus Rule, which is crafted to significantly reduce smog-forming nitrogen oxide (NOx) emissions from new heavy-duty, diesel-powered trucks.
Both rules are intended to deliver health benefits to California citizens affected by vehicle pollution, according to the environmental group Earthjustice. If the state gets federal approval for the final steps to become law, the rules mean that cars on the road in California will largely be zero-emissions a generation from now in the 2050s, accounting for the average vehicle lifespan of vehicles with internal combustion engine (ICE) power sold before that 2035 date.
“This might read like checking a bureaucratic box, but EPA’s approval is a critical step forward in protecting our lungs from pollution and our wallets from the expenses of combustion fuels,” Paul Cort, director of Earthjustice’s Right To Zero campaign, said in a release. “The gradual shift in car sales to zero-emissions models will cut smog and household costs while growing California’s clean energy workforce. Cutting truck pollution will help clear our skies of smog. EPA should now approve the remaining authorization requests from California to allow the state to clean its air and protect its residents.”
However, the truck drivers' industry group Owner-Operator Independent Drivers Association (OOIDA) pushed back against the federal decision allowing the Omnibus Low-NOx rule to advance. "The Omnibus Low-NOx waiver for California calls into question the policymaking process under the Biden administration's EPA. Purposefully injecting uncertainty into a $588 billion American industry is bad for our economy and makes no meaningful progress towards purported environmental goals," (OOIDA) President Todd Spencer said in a release. "EPA's credibility outside of radical environmental circles would have been better served by working with regulated industries rather than ramming through last-minute special interest favors. We look forward to working with the Trump administration's EPA in good faith towards achievable environmental outcomes.”
Editor's note:This article was revised on December 18 to add reaction from OOIDA.
DAT Freight & Analytics has acquired Trucker Tools, calling the deal a strategic move designed to combine Trucker Tools' approach to load tracking and carrier sourcing with DAT’s experience providing freight solutions.
Beaverton, Oregon-based DAT operates what it calls the largest truckload freight marketplace and truckload freight data analytics service in North America. Terms of the deal were not disclosed, but DAT is a business unit of the publicly traded, Fortune 1000-company Roper Technologies.
Following the deal, DAT said that brokers will continue to get load visibility and capacity tools for every load they manage, but now with greater resources for an enhanced suite of broker tools. And in turn, carriers will get the same lifestyle features as before—like weigh scales and fuel optimizers—but will also gain access to one of the largest networks of loads, making it easier for carriers to find the loads they want.
Trucker Tools CEO Kary Jablonski praised the deal, saying the firms are aligned in their goals to simplify and enhance the lives of brokers and carriers. “Through our strategic partnership with DAT, we are amplifying this mission on a greater scale, delivering enhanced solutions and transformative insights to our customers. This collaboration unlocks opportunities for speed, efficiency, and innovation for the freight industry. We are thrilled to align with DAT to advance their vision of eliminating uncertainty in the freight industry,” Jablonski said.
Global trade will see a moderate rebound in 2025, likely growing by 3.6% in volume terms, helped by companies restocking and households renewing purchases of durable goods while reducing spending on services, according to a forecast from trade credit insurer Allianz Trade.
The end of the year for 2024 will also likely be supported by companies rushing to ship goods in anticipation of the higher tariffs likely to be imposed by the coming Trump administration, and other potential disruptions in the coming quarters, the report said.
However, that tailwind for global trade will likely shift to a headwind once the effects of a renewed but contained trade war are felt from the second half of 2025 and in full in 2026. As a result, Allianz Trade has throttled back its predictions, saying that global trade in volume will grow by 2.8% in 2025 (reduced by 0.2 percentage points vs. its previous forecast) and 2.3% in 2026 (reduced by 0.5 percentage points).
The same logic applies to Allianz Trade’s forecast for export prices in U.S. dollars, which the firm has now revised downward to predict growth reaching 2.3% in 2025 (reduced by 1.7 percentage points) and 4.1% in 2026 (reduced by 0.8 percentage points).
In the meantime, the rush to frontload imports into the U.S. is giving freight carriers an early Christmas present. According to Allianz Trade, data released last week showed Chinese exports rising by a robust 6.7% y/y in November. And imports of some consumer goods that have been threatened with a likely 25% tariff under the new Trump administration have outperformed even more, growing by nearly 20% y/y on average between July and September.