Mark Solomon joined DC VELOCITY as senior editor in August 2008, and was promoted to his current position on January 1, 2015. He has spent more than 30 years in the transportation, logistics and supply chain management fields as a journalist and public relations professional. From 1989 to 1994, he worked in Washington as a reporter for the Journal of Commerce, covering the aviation and trucking industries, the Department of Transportation, Congress and the U.S. Supreme Court. Prior to that, he worked for Traffic World for seven years in a similar role. From 1994 to 2008, Mr. Solomon ran Media-Based Solutions, a public relations firm based in Atlanta. He graduated in 1978 with a B.A. in journalism from The American University in Washington, D.C.
On Sept. 29, 2002, the Pacific Maritime Association (PMA), the body representing waterfront management on the U.S.
West Coast, locked out members of the International Longshore and Warehouse Union (ILWU) amid allegations the labor union
was engaging in a deliberate work slowdown to support its demands for a new contract.
The lockout left heavily laden containerships stranded outside of ports from Seattle to San Diego, with no workers
available to unload the cargo. By the time it ended 10 days later—much longer than anyone originally expected—the lockout
had disrupted supply chains from coast to coast and had cost importers and the U.S. economy hundreds of millions, if not billions,
of dollars.
It also caught many shippers and importers with their pants down. At the time of the lockout, more than 80
percent of seagoing imports from Asia entered the United States via West Coast ports. With dock activity paralyzed
and no other port options, ships simply idled in the Pacific Ocean, creating a massive logjam. It took three months
after the strike ended for the backlog to be cleared.
In the wake of the lockout, many importers vowed to never get caught in that situation again and began
a multiyear gateway diversification program. Today, East and Gulf Coast ports handle 30 percent of Asian
imports—mostly through the Panama Canal—while West Coast ports handle about 70 percent, according
to data from Robert Sappio, managing director at consultancy Alvarez & Marsal. (In 2000, about 85 percent of all
Asian seagoing imports entered through the West Coast, with 15 percent coming in through the East, he said.)
A decade later, the agility of the seagoing supply chain could be tested again, this time by a labor-management showdown
looming in the East. Since March, the International Longshoremen's Association (ILA) has been engaged in a war of words with
the United States Maritime Alliance (USMX), which represents waterfront employers, over a new contract to replace the current
pact that expires Sept. 30. The ILA represents 30,000 longshore workers on the East and Gulf Coasts, the Great Lakes, Canada,
and Puerto Rico.
The two sides exchanged general proposals in late March and are scheduled to meet this week in Delray Beach, Fla. In the
interim, there have been no formal negotiations but plenty of rhetoric.
At the center of the storm is ILA General President Harold J. Daggett, a third-generation ILA member and a
45-year association veteran. An imposing and forceful personality right out of central casting, Daggett has
warned for the past few months that a work stoppage is very possible as long as employers refuse to guarantee
longshore worker jobs in return for the group's acquiescence to the increased use of automation at the ports.
While there are other matters of contention, the issue of automation's replacing labor on the docks is and will
continue to be the main sticking point. At an early March industry conference, Daggett threw down the gauntlet to
waterfront management. "We know technology is coming, and we know we can't stop it forever," he said, "but we will
not be deterred from protecting our work and our jurisdiction."
TEMPEST IN A TEAPOT?
In theory, a dockworkers strike seems far-fetched. In a sluggish economy with elevated unemployment levels,
it is unlikely dockworkers would be motivated to walk off of—or want to be locked out of—jobs that
offer generous wages and benefits.
Should the game of chicken continue into the late summer, the Obama administration may seek a national emergency
injunction under the Taft-Hartley Act, a 1947 labor law, to effectively force labor back to work rather than allow
a job action to further damage an already-fragile economy in a presidential election year.
>p>For now, importers are mostly keeping mum. Mark Q. Holifield, who runs the global supply chain for mega-retailer
The Home Depot Inc., declined comment other than to say that "in the normal course of our business, we monitor freight
flows, capacity, and trends daily, and take appropriate actions to optimize our supply chain."
Tim Feemster, senior managing director at industrial property and logistics firm Newmark Grubb Knight Frank, said in
a June 8 e-mail that it is too early for cargo diversion to occur. "The next few weeks will give us an early warning as
to the tenor of the talks," he said. "We will not see the impact at the ports, or [in] the volume for the Western railroads,
for another six to eight weeks."
Yet no shipper or importer is likely to wait long for both sides to reach an agreement, or for the White House to step in to
end an impasse. Importers receiving goods into the East Coast from Asia and Europe have become concerned about possible service
disruptions in the ILA's territory and have begun weighing plans to shift deliveries to West Coast ports to avoid any problems.
They are also looking at the possibility of advancing inventories of potentially strong-selling holiday items so they are
guaranteed to be resting in U.S. commerce no matter what happens at the bargaining table.
DIVERSIONARY TACTICS
Experts say the time to begin planning is now, especially while West Coast ports are underutilized and there is ample
containership capacity on the water with only about 3 percent of the global fleet sitting idle.
Sappio of Alvarez & Marsal, who spent nearly 30 years at ship giant APL, said companies looking to shift deliveries to West
Coast ports should secure vessel slots no later than the end of July. "If contract discussions go badly in August, you're going
to be late to the game," he said. "If it's much after July, it's going to be a chore to find a ship."
Sappio said he believes a strike or lockout is unlikely and that any inventory shift that occurs as a result will be
short-lived. He added, however, that port congestion, especially at Los Angeles and Long Beach, is a "certainty" should
a work stoppage occur.
Sappio surmised that some carriers may pre-file a "congestion surcharge" to offset unforeseen operating expenses
arising from any supply chain disruptions in the East. This would come on top of "peak season" surcharges on Asian
import traffic ranging from $480 to $675 per container. Those surcharges are expected to hit over the next few weeks.
Timothy R. Simpson, a spokesman for Copenhagen-based A.P. Moeller Maersk, the world's largest liner company, was unaware of
any congestion surcharges under discussion.
Henry L. (Rick) Wen, Jr., vice president, business development/public affairs for the U.S. arm of liner giant Orient Overseas
Container Line Inc., said that in the event of a work stoppage, ships already laden with imports could declare "force majeure," a
legal maneuver shielding them from damages should an event outside of their control prevent them from fulfilling their contractual
obligations.
Wen said ship lines would consider diverting vessels to Canadian ports and offloading freight there, or simply lying at
anchor until the strike is settled. Regardless of the scenario, delays and bottlenecks would ensue because Canadian ports would
be overwhelmed by all the diverted cargo. As a result, importers and exporters would be subject to additional charges under force
majeure terms, he said.
While a work stoppage would mostly affect the flow of U.S. imports from Europe, cargo flows on both coasts would be
stymied if the ILWU struck in sympathy with their East and Gulf Coast brethren. In a saber-rattling statement in early May,
ILWU International President Robert McEllrath voiced full support for ILA workers. "The fact is that we have their back in
the fight to protect work and jurisdiction; their fight is our fight," he said.
RAMPING UP
For their part, service providers are starting to listen to their customers, and they are starting to stir.
APL Logistics, the third-party logistics unit of shipping giant APL, is gearing up its deconsolidation capabilities
along the West Coast to accommodate any surge in imports, according to Tony Zasimovich, the company's vice president
of international services.
Zasimovich added that APL Logistics will prepare to deploy more team-driver truck capacity to get goods inland
and will ensure space is available for its "Ocean Guaranteed" service, which, as its name implies, guarantees deliveries
from Asia to all continental U.S. points served by its trucking partner Con-way Freight, the less-than-truckload arm of
Con-way Inc. The service is available for less-than-containerload and full-containerload traffic, albeit at a higher price
than an all-water service.
Zasimovich said vessel users have a window until early August to put contingency plans in place.
Western railroads are gearing up as well. "We continue to talk to customers to understand what their needs might be," said
John P. Lanigan, executive vice president and chief marketing officer for BNSF Railway, one of the two Western rails. "We
are in good shape for locomotives, freight cars, and crews. We can respond to a surge in traffic with people, assets, and
increased cars per train."
Lanigan added, however, that he would just as soon not see the rail's contingency plans be executed. "We certainly hope
there is no disruption as it would negatively impact overall U.S. supply chain operations," he said.
Congestion on U.S. highways is costing the trucking industry big, according to research from the American Transportation Research Institute (ATRI), released today.
The group found that traffic congestion on U.S. highways added $108.8 billion in costs to the trucking industry in 2022, a record high. The information comes from ATRI’s Cost of Congestion study, which is part of the organization’s ongoing highway performance measurement research.
Total hours of congestion fell slightly compared to 2021 due to softening freight market conditions, but the cost of operating a truck increased at a much higher rate, according to the research. As a result, the overall cost of congestion increased by 15% year-over-year—a level equivalent to more than 430,000 commercial truck drivers sitting idle for one work year and an average cost of $7,588 for every registered combination truck.
The analysis also identified metropolitan delays and related impacts, showing that the top 10 most-congested states each experienced added costs of more than $8 billion. That list was led by Texas, at $9.17 billion in added costs; California, at $8.77 billion; and Florida, $8.44 billion. Rounding out the top 10 list were New York, Georgia, New Jersey, Illinois, Pennsylvania, Louisiana, and Tennessee. Combined, the top 10 states account for more than half of the trucking industry’s congestion costs nationwide—52%, according to the research.
The metro areas with the highest congestion costs include New York City, $6.68 billion; Miami, $3.2 billion; and Chicago, $3.14 billion.
ATRI’s analysis also found that the trucking industry wasted more than 6.4 billion gallons of diesel fuel in 2022 due to congestion, resulting in additional fuel costs of $32.1 billion.
ATRI used a combination of data sources, including its truck GPS database and Operational Costs study benchmarks, to calculate the impacts of trucking delays on major U.S. roadways.
There’s a photo from 1971 that John Kent, professor of supply chain management at the University of Arkansas, likes to show. It’s of a shaggy-haired 18-year-old named Glenn Cowan grinning at three-time world table tennis champion Zhuang Zedong, while holding a silk tapestry Zhuang had just given him. Cowan was a member of the U.S. table tennis team who participated in the 1971 World Table Tennis Championships in Nagoya, Japan. Story has it that one morning, he overslept and missed his bus to the tournament and had to hitch a ride with the Chinese national team and met and connected with Zhuang.
Cowan and Zhuang’s interaction led to an invitation for the U.S. team to visit China. At the time, the two countries were just beginning to emerge from a 20-year period of decidedly frosty relations, strict travel bans, and trade restrictions. The highly publicized trip signaled a willingness on both sides to renew relations and launched the term “pingpong diplomacy.”
Kent, who is a senior fellow at the George H. W. Bush Foundation for U.S.-China Relations, believes the photograph is a good reminder that some 50-odd years ago, the economies of the United States and China were not as tightly interwoven as they are today. At the time, the Nixon administration was looking to form closer political and economic ties between the two countries in hopes of reducing chances of future conflict (and to weaken alliances among Communist countries).
The signals coming out of Washington and Beijing are now, of course, much different than they were in the early 1970s. Instead of advocating for better relations, political rhetoric focuses on the need for the U.S. to “decouple” from China. Both Republicans and Democrats have warned that the U.S. economy is too dependent on goods manufactured in China. They see this dependency as a threat to economic strength, American jobs, supply chain resiliency, and national security.
Supply chain professionals, however, know that extricating ourselves from our reliance on Chinese manufacturing is easier said than done. Many pundits push for a “China + 1” strategy, where companies diversify their manufacturing and sourcing options beyond China. But in reality, that “plus one” is often a Chinese company operating in a different country or a non-Chinese manufacturer that is still heavily dependent on material or subcomponents made in China.
This is the problem when supply chain decisions are made on a global scale without input from supply chain professionals. In an article in the Arkansas Democrat-Gazette, Kent argues that, “The discussions on supply chains mainly take place between government officials who typically bring many other competing issues and agendas to the table. Corporate entities—the individuals and companies directly impacted by supply chains—tend to be under-represented in the conversation.”
Kent is a proponent of what he calls “supply chain diplomacy,” where experts from academia and industry from the U.S. and China work collaboratively to create better, more efficient global supply chains. Take, for example, the “Peace Beans” project that Kent is involved with. This project, jointly formed by Zhejiang University and the Bush China Foundation, proposes balancing supply chains by exporting soybeans from Arkansas to tofu producers in China’s Yunnan province, and, in return, importing coffee beans grown in Yunnan to coffee roasters in Arkansas. Kent believes the operation could even use the same transportation equipment.
The benefits of working collaboratively—instead of continuing to build friction in the supply chain through tariffs and adversarial relationships—are numerous, according to Kent and his colleagues. They believe it would be much better if the two major world economies worked together on issues like global inflation, climate change, and artificial intelligence.
And such relations could play a significant role in strengthening world peace, particularly in light of ongoing tensions over Taiwan. Because, as Kent writes, “The 19th-century idea that ‘When goods don’t cross borders, soldiers will’ is as true today as ever. Perhaps more so.”
Hyster-Yale Materials Handling today announced its plans to fulfill the domestic manufacturing requirements of the Build America, Buy America (BABA) Act for certain portions of its lineup of forklift trucks and container handling equipment.
That means the Greenville, North Carolina-based company now plans to expand its existing American manufacturing with a targeted set of high-capacity models, including electric options, that align with the needs of infrastructure projects subject to BABA requirements. The company’s plans include determining the optimal production location in the United States, strategically expanding sourcing agreements to meet local material requirements, and further developing electric power options for high-capacity equipment.
As a part of the 2021 Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act, the BABA Act aims to increase the use of American-made materials in federally funded infrastructure projects across the U.S., Hyster-Yale says. It was enacted as part of a broader effort to boost domestic manufacturing and economic growth, and mandates that federal dollars allocated to infrastructure – such as roads, bridges, ports and public transit systems – must prioritize materials produced in the USA, including critical items like steel, iron and various construction materials.
Hyster-Yale’s footprint in the U.S. is spread across 10 locations, including three manufacturing facilities.
“Our leadership is fully invested in meeting the needs of businesses that require BABA-compliant material handling solutions,” Tony Salgado, Hyster-Yale’s chief operating officer, said in a release. “We are working to partner with our key domestic suppliers, as well as identifying how best to leverage our own American manufacturing footprint to deliver a competitive solution for our customers and stakeholders. But beyond mere compliance, and in line with the many areas of our business where we are evolving to better support our customers, our commitment remains steadfast. We are dedicated to delivering industry-leading standards in design, durability and performance — qualities that have become synonymous with our brands worldwide and that our customers have come to rely on and expect.”
In a separate move, the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) also gave its approval for the state to advance its Heavy-Duty Omnibus Rule, which is crafted to significantly reduce smog-forming nitrogen oxide (NOx) emissions from new heavy-duty, diesel-powered trucks.
Both rules are intended to deliver health benefits to California citizens affected by vehicle pollution, according to the environmental group Earthjustice. If the state gets federal approval for the final steps to become law, the rules mean that cars on the road in California will largely be zero-emissions a generation from now in the 2050s, accounting for the average vehicle lifespan of vehicles with internal combustion engine (ICE) power sold before that 2035 date.
“This might read like checking a bureaucratic box, but EPA’s approval is a critical step forward in protecting our lungs from pollution and our wallets from the expenses of combustion fuels,” Paul Cort, director of Earthjustice’s Right To Zero campaign, said in a release. “The gradual shift in car sales to zero-emissions models will cut smog and household costs while growing California’s clean energy workforce. Cutting truck pollution will help clear our skies of smog. EPA should now approve the remaining authorization requests from California to allow the state to clean its air and protect its residents.”
However, the truck drivers' industry group Owner-Operator Independent Drivers Association (OOIDA) pushed back against the federal decision allowing the Omnibus Low-NOx rule to advance. "The Omnibus Low-NOx waiver for California calls into question the policymaking process under the Biden administration's EPA. Purposefully injecting uncertainty into a $588 billion American industry is bad for our economy and makes no meaningful progress towards purported environmental goals," (OOIDA) President Todd Spencer said in a release. "EPA's credibility outside of radical environmental circles would have been better served by working with regulated industries rather than ramming through last-minute special interest favors. We look forward to working with the Trump administration's EPA in good faith towards achievable environmental outcomes.”
Editor's note:This article was revised on December 18 to add reaction from OOIDA.
A Canadian startup that provides AI-powered logistics solutions has gained $5.5 million in seed funding to support its concept of creating a digital platform for global trade, according to Toronto-based Starboard.
The round was led by Eclipse, with participation from previous backers Garuda Ventures and Everywhere Ventures. The firm says it will use its new backing to expand its engineering team in Toronto and accelerate its AI-driven product development to simplify supply chain complexities.
According to Starboard, the logistics industry is under immense pressure to adapt to the growing complexity of global trade, which has hit recent hurdles such as the strike at U.S. east and gulf coast ports. That situation calls for innovative solutions to streamline operations and reduce costs for operators.
As a potential solution, Starboard offers its flagship product, which it defines as an AI-based transportation management system (TMS) and rate management system that helps mid-sized freight forwarders operate more efficiently and win more business. More broadly, Starboard says it is building the virtual infrastructure for global trade, allowing freight companies to leverage AI and machine learning to optimize operations such as processing shipments in real time, reconciling invoices, and following up on payments.
"This investment is a pivotal step in our mission to unlock the power of AI for our customers," said Sumeet Trehan, Co-Founder and CEO of Starboard. "Global trade has long been plagued by inefficiencies that drive up costs and reduce competitiveness. Our platform is designed to empower SMB freight forwarders—the backbone of more than $20 trillion in global trade and $1 trillion in logistics spend—with the tools they need to thrive in this complex ecosystem."