A lobbyist's-eye view of the Washington transport scene
Two decades after leaving DOT's top job, James H. Burnley remains plugged into the Washington transportation scene. And he's concerned about some of what he sees.
Mark Solomon joined DC VELOCITY as senior editor in August 2008, and was promoted to his current position on January 1, 2015. He has spent more than 30 years in the transportation, logistics and supply chain management fields as a journalist and public relations professional. From 1989 to 1994, he worked in Washington as a reporter for the Journal of Commerce, covering the aviation and trucking industries, the Department of Transportation, Congress and the U.S. Supreme Court. Prior to that, he worked for Traffic World for seven years in a similar role. From 1994 to 2008, Mr. Solomon ran Media-Based Solutions, a public relations firm based in Atlanta. He graduated in 1978 with a B.A. in journalism from The American University in Washington, D.C.
If political ideology were a condition for employment, James H. Burnley IV would never have gotten a foot in the door at the white-shoe Washington, D.C., law firm he now works for, Venable LLP.
Venable has deep and enduring liberal roots; its senior partner, Benjamin R. Civiletti, served as attorney general in the last two years of the Carter administration. By contrast, Burnley, who heads the firm's transportation practice, is an unabashed conservative who cut his teeth in the Reagan administration and whose work both in and out of government has been largely informed by that experience.
But competence and influence often trump ideology, and there is little doubt that when it comes to knowledge of transportation law and the ability to effectively lobby for client interests, few can match the 61-year-old Burnley.
In 1983, Burnley was appointed deputy secretary of transportation under Elizabeth H. Dole. In 1987, Burnley was named secretary of transportation, a post he held for the last two years of President Reagan's term. Since leaving the Department of Transportation (DOT) in 1989, Burnley has remained a key player in transportation matters as a lawyer and lobbyist, all the while remaining devoted to the free-market principles that defined his time in government.
Burnley spoke recently with DC Velocity Senior Editor Mark Solomon about the DOT then and now, similarities and differences in presidential administrations, and his stand on key transport and infrastructure issues.
Q: You've been out of government for more than 20 years. How has life been on the other side?
A: Life, in general, has been good. I've been able to stay involved in transportation policy issues, which is what I enjoy. While the pace is still intense, it's not as intense as it was at DOT. That was a six-and-a-half day a week pace. This is much more civilized.
Q: As you look at the scope of the DOT then and now, and the transportation industry then and now, what has been the biggest change at DOT and in the transportation world in general since your time at the agency? A: The biggest set of changes at DOT occurred as a result of 9/11 when the [Department of Homeland Security (DHS)] was created, the Coast Guard was moved out of DOT, and what responsibilities the department had in aviation security were moved to DHS. In terms of the shape and scope of the DOT, those are the biggest events of the past 20 years.
I think virtually everyone would agree that DHS is a work in progress. It's had some very able leadership, but it's such a disparate set of agencies, and there were so many differences among the agencies that were thrown into DHS. It's fair to say that if Congress had to do it over again, it might think through whether that's what it wanted.
In the transportation world, the biggest events have revolved around the continuing evolution of economic deregulation. When I was at DOT in the 1980s, the transportation industries were just beginning to shape their response to the changes that had taken place from 1978 to 1980 [when airlines, railroads, and truckers were deregulated]. At this point, we've hit a plateau. These are still dynamic industries, but they've plateaued as dynamic industries. The dynamic is mature.
Q: It's been 30 years since the railroad and trucking industries were deregulated. How would you judge that evolution? A: I think it's been enormously favorable. The average American is much better off. The prices we pay are lower than they would otherwise be because the logistics cost component of the things we buy is lower than it would otherwise be.
Q: How would you rate the Obama administration in its handling of transport issues up to now? A: One point of frustration is that they are reopening a rulemaking on truck drivers' hours of service. [The regulations] have already been through three iterations. There is a great danger they will go through several more now that they've reopened it.
That said, the challenges the administration has inherited are very substantial. We are in an extraordinarily difficult and somewhat unprecedented period in the history of the federal role in transportation. Before [DOT Secretary] LaHood got there, the highway trust fund collapsed. Today, we are seeing multibillion dollar transfers of funds from the general treasury because fuel tax and excise tax receipts aren't enough to fund existing programs.
Secretary LaHood also arrived just as President Obama said he wouldn't consider an increase in fuel taxes because of their regressive nature. This has put the secretary in a very difficult position.
Q: Highway funding reauthorization is living on a series of short-term extensions. Do you think it's possible that we may not have a multiyear reauthorization bill by the end of President Obama's term in office? A: I started saying a year ago that we were facing four years of short-term extensions of existing programs, and I'm sorry to say this is a prediction that I believe will come true. It will be especially difficult for the Obama administration and Congress to agree on a solution to the trust fund crisis if the political environment holds in November and we have more Republicans occupying both Houses who are skeptical of higher taxes of any kind.
What worries me is that the whole concept of the trust fund is breaking down. You can't make the argument with a straight face that the trust fund should be spent just on transportation programs and that it should be walled off from the appropriations process while at the same time getting huge sums of money from general revenues. That is a corrosive process. By 2013, we could find the whole notion of the trust fund obsolete.
Q: The conventional wisdom is that the controversial "cap and trade" provision contained in House-passed climate change legislation has been killed by the election of Massachusetts Republican Scott Brown to fill the late Edward M. Kennedy's Senate seat. Do you see new language emerging from Congress with the same carrot-and-stick approach as cap and trade? A: No. I think you may have legislation that has carrots in it, but not the sticks. The real inequity with cap and trade was that about one-third of revenues were going to come from transportation, but not a dime of that money would go to the Highway Trust Fund. Cap and trade is nothing more than a huge floating excise tax increase. That said, I think Congress will continue to work on incentives to drive us toward greater energy independence.
Q: What advice are you giving your clients on how to manage through the current legislative and regulatory environment? A: This is an administration with very few senior officials who have any experience in the private sector. And that's across the board, not just at DOT. The business community has realized that pretty quickly. It is spending a lot of time and effort educating officials on the real-world impact of the policies they want to put in place. Look at the proposal to reopen the hours-of-service debate. DOT has said it will reopen the rulemaking, but it hasn't put a proposal out there. The department has been listening to stakeholders to determine what the practical implications [of reopening the case] might be.
Q: Do you have a feel from your clients that they are concerned about what is coming out of DOT? A: Any time you have an activist administration—and this one certainly is—and you are in the regulated community, you have to be concerned about this. But it was the same way in the Reagan administration. We were very active, and we had a lot of ideas. And the people we regulated were very outspoken about the real-world impact of those ideas.
I will say that the DOT today has an extraordinarily dedicated and talented group of career leaders. The department has a remarkable track record of holding on to really talented career civil servants at the senior level, because they love what they do. I think of people like (Rosalind) "Lindy" Knapp, who was deputy general counsel when I joined DOT in 1983 and is still in that role. These are the people who are the backbone of the department. They are the most talented cadre of senior civil servants that I know of in the entire federal government.On the political level, the department's leadership is also very impressive. Ray LaHood knows what he's doing. He's been involved in public policy issues his entire adult life. The bottom line is that DOT is well led at the political and career levels.
Congestion on U.S. highways is costing the trucking industry big, according to research from the American Transportation Research Institute (ATRI), released today.
The group found that traffic congestion on U.S. highways added $108.8 billion in costs to the trucking industry in 2022, a record high. The information comes from ATRI’s Cost of Congestion study, which is part of the organization’s ongoing highway performance measurement research.
Total hours of congestion fell slightly compared to 2021 due to softening freight market conditions, but the cost of operating a truck increased at a much higher rate, according to the research. As a result, the overall cost of congestion increased by 15% year-over-year—a level equivalent to more than 430,000 commercial truck drivers sitting idle for one work year and an average cost of $7,588 for every registered combination truck.
The analysis also identified metropolitan delays and related impacts, showing that the top 10 most-congested states each experienced added costs of more than $8 billion. That list was led by Texas, at $9.17 billion in added costs; California, at $8.77 billion; and Florida, $8.44 billion. Rounding out the top 10 list were New York, Georgia, New Jersey, Illinois, Pennsylvania, Louisiana, and Tennessee. Combined, the top 10 states account for more than half of the trucking industry’s congestion costs nationwide—52%, according to the research.
The metro areas with the highest congestion costs include New York City, $6.68 billion; Miami, $3.2 billion; and Chicago, $3.14 billion.
ATRI’s analysis also found that the trucking industry wasted more than 6.4 billion gallons of diesel fuel in 2022 due to congestion, resulting in additional fuel costs of $32.1 billion.
ATRI used a combination of data sources, including its truck GPS database and Operational Costs study benchmarks, to calculate the impacts of trucking delays on major U.S. roadways.
There’s a photo from 1971 that John Kent, professor of supply chain management at the University of Arkansas, likes to show. It’s of a shaggy-haired 18-year-old named Glenn Cowan grinning at three-time world table tennis champion Zhuang Zedong, while holding a silk tapestry Zhuang had just given him. Cowan was a member of the U.S. table tennis team who participated in the 1971 World Table Tennis Championships in Nagoya, Japan. Story has it that one morning, he overslept and missed his bus to the tournament and had to hitch a ride with the Chinese national team and met and connected with Zhuang.
Cowan and Zhuang’s interaction led to an invitation for the U.S. team to visit China. At the time, the two countries were just beginning to emerge from a 20-year period of decidedly frosty relations, strict travel bans, and trade restrictions. The highly publicized trip signaled a willingness on both sides to renew relations and launched the term “pingpong diplomacy.”
Kent, who is a senior fellow at the George H. W. Bush Foundation for U.S.-China Relations, believes the photograph is a good reminder that some 50-odd years ago, the economies of the United States and China were not as tightly interwoven as they are today. At the time, the Nixon administration was looking to form closer political and economic ties between the two countries in hopes of reducing chances of future conflict (and to weaken alliances among Communist countries).
The signals coming out of Washington and Beijing are now, of course, much different than they were in the early 1970s. Instead of advocating for better relations, political rhetoric focuses on the need for the U.S. to “decouple” from China. Both Republicans and Democrats have warned that the U.S. economy is too dependent on goods manufactured in China. They see this dependency as a threat to economic strength, American jobs, supply chain resiliency, and national security.
Supply chain professionals, however, know that extricating ourselves from our reliance on Chinese manufacturing is easier said than done. Many pundits push for a “China + 1” strategy, where companies diversify their manufacturing and sourcing options beyond China. But in reality, that “plus one” is often a Chinese company operating in a different country or a non-Chinese manufacturer that is still heavily dependent on material or subcomponents made in China.
This is the problem when supply chain decisions are made on a global scale without input from supply chain professionals. In an article in the Arkansas Democrat-Gazette, Kent argues that, “The discussions on supply chains mainly take place between government officials who typically bring many other competing issues and agendas to the table. Corporate entities—the individuals and companies directly impacted by supply chains—tend to be under-represented in the conversation.”
Kent is a proponent of what he calls “supply chain diplomacy,” where experts from academia and industry from the U.S. and China work collaboratively to create better, more efficient global supply chains. Take, for example, the “Peace Beans” project that Kent is involved with. This project, jointly formed by Zhejiang University and the Bush China Foundation, proposes balancing supply chains by exporting soybeans from Arkansas to tofu producers in China’s Yunnan province, and, in return, importing coffee beans grown in Yunnan to coffee roasters in Arkansas. Kent believes the operation could even use the same transportation equipment.
The benefits of working collaboratively—instead of continuing to build friction in the supply chain through tariffs and adversarial relationships—are numerous, according to Kent and his colleagues. They believe it would be much better if the two major world economies worked together on issues like global inflation, climate change, and artificial intelligence.
And such relations could play a significant role in strengthening world peace, particularly in light of ongoing tensions over Taiwan. Because, as Kent writes, “The 19th-century idea that ‘When goods don’t cross borders, soldiers will’ is as true today as ever. Perhaps more so.”
Hyster-Yale Materials Handling today announced its plans to fulfill the domestic manufacturing requirements of the Build America, Buy America (BABA) Act for certain portions of its lineup of forklift trucks and container handling equipment.
That means the Greenville, North Carolina-based company now plans to expand its existing American manufacturing with a targeted set of high-capacity models, including electric options, that align with the needs of infrastructure projects subject to BABA requirements. The company’s plans include determining the optimal production location in the United States, strategically expanding sourcing agreements to meet local material requirements, and further developing electric power options for high-capacity equipment.
As a part of the 2021 Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act, the BABA Act aims to increase the use of American-made materials in federally funded infrastructure projects across the U.S., Hyster-Yale says. It was enacted as part of a broader effort to boost domestic manufacturing and economic growth, and mandates that federal dollars allocated to infrastructure – such as roads, bridges, ports and public transit systems – must prioritize materials produced in the USA, including critical items like steel, iron and various construction materials.
Hyster-Yale’s footprint in the U.S. is spread across 10 locations, including three manufacturing facilities.
“Our leadership is fully invested in meeting the needs of businesses that require BABA-compliant material handling solutions,” Tony Salgado, Hyster-Yale’s chief operating officer, said in a release. “We are working to partner with our key domestic suppliers, as well as identifying how best to leverage our own American manufacturing footprint to deliver a competitive solution for our customers and stakeholders. But beyond mere compliance, and in line with the many areas of our business where we are evolving to better support our customers, our commitment remains steadfast. We are dedicated to delivering industry-leading standards in design, durability and performance — qualities that have become synonymous with our brands worldwide and that our customers have come to rely on and expect.”
In a separate move, the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) also gave its approval for the state to advance its Heavy-Duty Omnibus Rule, which is crafted to significantly reduce smog-forming nitrogen oxide (NOx) emissions from new heavy-duty, diesel-powered trucks.
Both rules are intended to deliver health benefits to California citizens affected by vehicle pollution, according to the environmental group Earthjustice. If the state gets federal approval for the final steps to become law, the rules mean that cars on the road in California will largely be zero-emissions a generation from now in the 2050s, accounting for the average vehicle lifespan of vehicles with internal combustion engine (ICE) power sold before that 2035 date.
“This might read like checking a bureaucratic box, but EPA’s approval is a critical step forward in protecting our lungs from pollution and our wallets from the expenses of combustion fuels,” Paul Cort, director of Earthjustice’s Right To Zero campaign, said in a release. “The gradual shift in car sales to zero-emissions models will cut smog and household costs while growing California’s clean energy workforce. Cutting truck pollution will help clear our skies of smog. EPA should now approve the remaining authorization requests from California to allow the state to clean its air and protect its residents.”
However, the truck drivers' industry group Owner-Operator Independent Drivers Association (OOIDA) pushed back against the federal decision allowing the Omnibus Low-NOx rule to advance. "The Omnibus Low-NOx waiver for California calls into question the policymaking process under the Biden administration's EPA. Purposefully injecting uncertainty into a $588 billion American industry is bad for our economy and makes no meaningful progress towards purported environmental goals," (OOIDA) President Todd Spencer said in a release. "EPA's credibility outside of radical environmental circles would have been better served by working with regulated industries rather than ramming through last-minute special interest favors. We look forward to working with the Trump administration's EPA in good faith towards achievable environmental outcomes.”
Editor's note:This article was revised on December 18 to add reaction from OOIDA.
A Canadian startup that provides AI-powered logistics solutions has gained $5.5 million in seed funding to support its concept of creating a digital platform for global trade, according to Toronto-based Starboard.
The round was led by Eclipse, with participation from previous backers Garuda Ventures and Everywhere Ventures. The firm says it will use its new backing to expand its engineering team in Toronto and accelerate its AI-driven product development to simplify supply chain complexities.
According to Starboard, the logistics industry is under immense pressure to adapt to the growing complexity of global trade, which has hit recent hurdles such as the strike at U.S. east and gulf coast ports. That situation calls for innovative solutions to streamline operations and reduce costs for operators.
As a potential solution, Starboard offers its flagship product, which it defines as an AI-based transportation management system (TMS) and rate management system that helps mid-sized freight forwarders operate more efficiently and win more business. More broadly, Starboard says it is building the virtual infrastructure for global trade, allowing freight companies to leverage AI and machine learning to optimize operations such as processing shipments in real time, reconciling invoices, and following up on payments.
"This investment is a pivotal step in our mission to unlock the power of AI for our customers," said Sumeet Trehan, Co-Founder and CEO of Starboard. "Global trade has long been plagued by inefficiencies that drive up costs and reduce competitiveness. Our platform is designed to empower SMB freight forwarders—the backbone of more than $20 trillion in global trade and $1 trillion in logistics spend—with the tools they need to thrive in this complex ecosystem."