Mark Solomon joined DC VELOCITY as senior editor in August 2008, and was promoted to his current position on January 1, 2015. He has spent more than 30 years in the transportation, logistics and supply chain management fields as a journalist and public relations professional. From 1989 to 1994, he worked in Washington as a reporter for the Journal of Commerce, covering the aviation and trucking industries, the Department of Transportation, Congress and the U.S. Supreme Court. Prior to that, he worked for Traffic World for seven years in a similar role. From 1994 to 2008, Mr. Solomon ran Media-Based Solutions, a public relations firm based in Atlanta. He graduated in 1978 with a B.A. in journalism from The American University in Washington, D.C.
During 2009, as YRC's financial situation grew more precarious, its 35,000 Teamster employees agreed to two wage reductions and an extraordinary 18-month freeze on YRC's pension contributions.
Throughout the year, the union's leadership actively participated in YRC's financial restructuring, acting in an advisory role that was considered well outside the union's traditional box.
Then, as YRC faced a New Year's Eve deadline to execute a swap of $530 million in debt for 1 billion shares of new equity or else confront bankruptcy and a possible shutdown, Teamster General President James P. Hoffa put very public pressure on several financial institutions, notably the colossus Goldman Sachs & Co., to stop buying arcane derivatives called "credit default swaps" that were essentially bets that YRC would default on its obligations and file for bankruptcy protection.
Hoffa pulled out all the political stops, shrewdly framing the debate as a choice between preserving thousands of middle-class jobs and letting greedy financial firms scavenge for a few extra dollars in profits. Facing a potent backlash from lawmakers and regulators already angered over the industry's role in causing the financial meltdown, the firms caved. Not only did they stop buying the derivatives, but they bought up enough YRC notes to enable the debt-for-equity exchange to succeed.
To be sure, YRC's burden had already been eased by the remarkable forbearance of its banks, which threw the company numerous financial lifelines. But the flexibility of YRC's lenders would have meant little, experts said, if not for the concessions of its rank and file, and the efforts of Hoffa and other union leaders to adopt a collegial attitude toward YRC instead of a confrontational one.
"If it wasn't for the IBT, YRC would not be here," says Michael H. Belzer, associate economics professor at Michigan's Wayne State University and one of the nation's leading experts on trucking labor relations. Belzer says he doesn't recall the Teamsters or any trade union playing such an active and pivotal role in ensuring a company's survival. He called Hoffa's 11th-hour push to force Goldman's hand on the derivatives transactions an "amazing" achievement.
Rough road ahead
But it came at a price. The wage cuts and the suspension of pension contributions will cost YRC's rank and file about $1.5 billion through 2013, according to a 2009 estimate from investment firm Stifel, Nicolaus & Co. As with all YRC common shareholders, the Teamsters' original equity stake was wiped out following the debt-for-equity swap. Though YRC workers are expected to receive options worth between 30 and 35 percent of the new equity, there is considerable doubt as to its value.
One analyst, Jon A. Langenfeld of Robert W. Baird & Co., values YRC stock at zero. YRC stock closed March 8 at 49 cents a share, and the company faces delisting from the Nasdaq stock exchange if it can't get its stock above $1 a share for 10 consecutive days between now and Aug. 30.
YRC is scheduled to resume pension payments in January 2011, at a cost of about $15,000 for the year per Teamster employee. Given the weak market for less-than-truckload (LTL) services and continued cut-throat pricing, some wonder if a company saddled with hundreds of millions in losses can meet an estimated $500 million pension commitment next year.
YRC burned through $72 million in cash during 2009's fourth quarter as its financial crisis was coming to a head, according to New York-based research firm Wolfe Research. YRC's cash burn has not worsened in 2010, the firm said. However, it noted that worried shippers that diverted their freight from YRC to other carriers are not "flocking back" to the carrier. Tonnage losses, though stabilizing somewhat from 2009 levels, "remain daunting," Wolfe said.
YRC declined to comment other than issuing a statement through a spokeswoman that it is "contractually obligated" to make the pension payments.
Ken Paff, the long-time head of Teamsters for a Democratic Union (TDU), a relatively small but influential dissident group that has clashed often with Hoffa during his 11-year tenure, is pessimistic about YRC's ability to resume full contributions in January. "You want to bet the mortgage on it?" Paff asked with characteristic rhetorical bluntness. "Because I hate to see you become homeless."
Charles W. Clowdis Jr., a long-time trucking executive and now managing director, North America for the global trade and transport unit of consultancy IHS Global Insight, says YRC's pension challenges are a frequent topic of conversation with shippers across the nation. Clowdis says he doubts that YRC will be able to generate the needed funds through its earnings power and that it may have to resort to borrowing to raise the capital.
Hoffa is unapologetic about the process and the outcome. "We feel we did the best given the circumstances of balancing need, preserving jobs, and maintaining decent wages and health benefits," Hoffa said in an interview with DC Velocity. "It is easy to second guess, but I don't think you can put a price tag on livelihoods of 30,000 families."
Hoffa declined comment on whether YRC would be able to resume full pension contributions next year. He said the company has made its operations as lean as possible and is in a "good position to take advantage of the upswing" in freight volumes when it occurs.
Hoffa said the union's overarching goal has been to help YRC "bridge the recession" and that steps such as the pension freeze were needed to "provide the company time to weather the storm."
Dubious anniversary
All of this has been playing out against the backdrop of a dubious anniversary for organized labor in the trucking business. In 1980, Congress deregulated the industry, freeing truckers to compete against each other to provide the best service at the lowest price. The open market soon would give shippers the upper hand in rate negotiations with carriers, a grip they've never relinquished.
Deregulation's supporters claim that it has fostered innovation and lowered costs, twin boons to the U.S. economy and its citizens. However, the post-deregulation years have been a nightmare for Teamster truck labor, as company failures, bankruptcies, and consolidations thinned the union's ranks and diminished its influence.
At its peak in the 1970s, membership in the Teamsters' freight division—long considered the core of the union—stood at about 400,000, about 20 percent of total IBT membership. Today, that number has dwindled to about 70,000, with roughly half employed at YRC. The freight division accounts for 5 percent of the union's 1.4 million members.
Hoffa acknowledges that deregulation "changed the rules of the game and has decimated the industry." But he disputes the notion that the freight division is in permanent decline, noting that the Teamsters added more than 12,000 freight members last year when workers at UPS Freight, a unit of UPS Inc. formerly called Overnite Transportation Co., joined the ranks.
Ticking time bomb
The crisis at YRC has exposed what some consider a ticking time bomb for truckers and workers: the fate of the multi-employer pension program established by Congress and commonly used in the trucking industry. An arrangement between a union and at least two employers usually in a common industry, a multi-employer plan requires member companies to fund the pensions of workers and retirees not only from their companies but from other firms participating in the plan.
The program, whose main objective was to allow workers to change employers without losing their vesting privileges, worked fine as long as there were enough unionized trucking firms to spread the cost around. However, as company failures and consolidations winnowed the universe of unionized firms, the burden fell on those remaining to absorb an even larger portion of total retirement obligations, including obligations to retirees who had worked at now-defunct entities.
As a result, YRC and rival ABF Freight System, which employ most of the Teamster workers covered under the main freight agreement between the union and industry, are liable for the pension obligations of retirees who worked for competitors that have long since closed their doors and who were never employed at either YRC or ABF.
In 2007, UPS Inc., the nation's largest transport company and biggest Teamster employer with 240,000 members, negotiated a $6.1 billion pre-tax payout to remove 44,000 of its full time employees from the Teamsters' Central States pension fund, one of the union's largest. UPS withdrew from the program because it did not want to face the future liabilities of paying into the Central States fund for its employees and for workers at other companies.
William D. Zollars, YRC's chairman, president, and CEO, has been actively pushing for an overhaul of the nation's multi-employer pension program. In addition, YRC and the Teamsters have thrown their support behind House legislation sponsored by Reps. Earl Pomeroy (D-N.D.) and Patrick Tiberi (R-Ohio), and a similar bill introduced in the Senate by Sen. Bob Casey (D-Pa.), which would shift the pension liabilities of retirees from failed firms away from the Teamsters and to the Pension Benefit Guaranty Corp. (PBGC), a federal corporation that protects more than 29,000 pension plans.
However, the union has insisted it will not support any bill that doesn't maintain full payouts to so-called orphan Teamsters, employees who worked for companies no longer in business but who have accrued benefits all or in part through their employment at now-defunct firms. Under current PBGC rules, workers or retirees with orphan pensions are eligible for a maximum payout of $1,080 per month. That is about one-third of the top payout received by a Teamster member with a non-orphan pension and identical years of service.
In a February newsletter, TDU made clear where it stands: "It's up to our Teamsters Union to make sure that any bill that is passed would guarantee that the PBGC would pay full pensions and would have sufficient funding to do that." Both the Pomeroy-Tiberi bill and the Casey bill would provide those protections.
Congestion on U.S. highways is costing the trucking industry big, according to research from the American Transportation Research Institute (ATRI), released today.
The group found that traffic congestion on U.S. highways added $108.8 billion in costs to the trucking industry in 2022, a record high. The information comes from ATRI’s Cost of Congestion study, which is part of the organization’s ongoing highway performance measurement research.
Total hours of congestion fell slightly compared to 2021 due to softening freight market conditions, but the cost of operating a truck increased at a much higher rate, according to the research. As a result, the overall cost of congestion increased by 15% year-over-year—a level equivalent to more than 430,000 commercial truck drivers sitting idle for one work year and an average cost of $7,588 for every registered combination truck.
The analysis also identified metropolitan delays and related impacts, showing that the top 10 most-congested states each experienced added costs of more than $8 billion. That list was led by Texas, at $9.17 billion in added costs; California, at $8.77 billion; and Florida, $8.44 billion. Rounding out the top 10 list were New York, Georgia, New Jersey, Illinois, Pennsylvania, Louisiana, and Tennessee. Combined, the top 10 states account for more than half of the trucking industry’s congestion costs nationwide—52%, according to the research.
The metro areas with the highest congestion costs include New York City, $6.68 billion; Miami, $3.2 billion; and Chicago, $3.14 billion.
ATRI’s analysis also found that the trucking industry wasted more than 6.4 billion gallons of diesel fuel in 2022 due to congestion, resulting in additional fuel costs of $32.1 billion.
ATRI used a combination of data sources, including its truck GPS database and Operational Costs study benchmarks, to calculate the impacts of trucking delays on major U.S. roadways.
There’s a photo from 1971 that John Kent, professor of supply chain management at the University of Arkansas, likes to show. It’s of a shaggy-haired 18-year-old named Glenn Cowan grinning at three-time world table tennis champion Zhuang Zedong, while holding a silk tapestry Zhuang had just given him. Cowan was a member of the U.S. table tennis team who participated in the 1971 World Table Tennis Championships in Nagoya, Japan. Story has it that one morning, he overslept and missed his bus to the tournament and had to hitch a ride with the Chinese national team and met and connected with Zhuang.
Cowan and Zhuang’s interaction led to an invitation for the U.S. team to visit China. At the time, the two countries were just beginning to emerge from a 20-year period of decidedly frosty relations, strict travel bans, and trade restrictions. The highly publicized trip signaled a willingness on both sides to renew relations and launched the term “pingpong diplomacy.”
Kent, who is a senior fellow at the George H. W. Bush Foundation for U.S.-China Relations, believes the photograph is a good reminder that some 50-odd years ago, the economies of the United States and China were not as tightly interwoven as they are today. At the time, the Nixon administration was looking to form closer political and economic ties between the two countries in hopes of reducing chances of future conflict (and to weaken alliances among Communist countries).
The signals coming out of Washington and Beijing are now, of course, much different than they were in the early 1970s. Instead of advocating for better relations, political rhetoric focuses on the need for the U.S. to “decouple” from China. Both Republicans and Democrats have warned that the U.S. economy is too dependent on goods manufactured in China. They see this dependency as a threat to economic strength, American jobs, supply chain resiliency, and national security.
Supply chain professionals, however, know that extricating ourselves from our reliance on Chinese manufacturing is easier said than done. Many pundits push for a “China + 1” strategy, where companies diversify their manufacturing and sourcing options beyond China. But in reality, that “plus one” is often a Chinese company operating in a different country or a non-Chinese manufacturer that is still heavily dependent on material or subcomponents made in China.
This is the problem when supply chain decisions are made on a global scale without input from supply chain professionals. In an article in the Arkansas Democrat-Gazette, Kent argues that, “The discussions on supply chains mainly take place between government officials who typically bring many other competing issues and agendas to the table. Corporate entities—the individuals and companies directly impacted by supply chains—tend to be under-represented in the conversation.”
Kent is a proponent of what he calls “supply chain diplomacy,” where experts from academia and industry from the U.S. and China work collaboratively to create better, more efficient global supply chains. Take, for example, the “Peace Beans” project that Kent is involved with. This project, jointly formed by Zhejiang University and the Bush China Foundation, proposes balancing supply chains by exporting soybeans from Arkansas to tofu producers in China’s Yunnan province, and, in return, importing coffee beans grown in Yunnan to coffee roasters in Arkansas. Kent believes the operation could even use the same transportation equipment.
The benefits of working collaboratively—instead of continuing to build friction in the supply chain through tariffs and adversarial relationships—are numerous, according to Kent and his colleagues. They believe it would be much better if the two major world economies worked together on issues like global inflation, climate change, and artificial intelligence.
And such relations could play a significant role in strengthening world peace, particularly in light of ongoing tensions over Taiwan. Because, as Kent writes, “The 19th-century idea that ‘When goods don’t cross borders, soldiers will’ is as true today as ever. Perhaps more so.”
Hyster-Yale Materials Handling today announced its plans to fulfill the domestic manufacturing requirements of the Build America, Buy America (BABA) Act for certain portions of its lineup of forklift trucks and container handling equipment.
That means the Greenville, North Carolina-based company now plans to expand its existing American manufacturing with a targeted set of high-capacity models, including electric options, that align with the needs of infrastructure projects subject to BABA requirements. The company’s plans include determining the optimal production location in the United States, strategically expanding sourcing agreements to meet local material requirements, and further developing electric power options for high-capacity equipment.
As a part of the 2021 Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act, the BABA Act aims to increase the use of American-made materials in federally funded infrastructure projects across the U.S., Hyster-Yale says. It was enacted as part of a broader effort to boost domestic manufacturing and economic growth, and mandates that federal dollars allocated to infrastructure – such as roads, bridges, ports and public transit systems – must prioritize materials produced in the USA, including critical items like steel, iron and various construction materials.
Hyster-Yale’s footprint in the U.S. is spread across 10 locations, including three manufacturing facilities.
“Our leadership is fully invested in meeting the needs of businesses that require BABA-compliant material handling solutions,” Tony Salgado, Hyster-Yale’s chief operating officer, said in a release. “We are working to partner with our key domestic suppliers, as well as identifying how best to leverage our own American manufacturing footprint to deliver a competitive solution for our customers and stakeholders. But beyond mere compliance, and in line with the many areas of our business where we are evolving to better support our customers, our commitment remains steadfast. We are dedicated to delivering industry-leading standards in design, durability and performance — qualities that have become synonymous with our brands worldwide and that our customers have come to rely on and expect.”
In a separate move, the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) also gave its approval for the state to advance its Heavy-Duty Omnibus Rule, which is crafted to significantly reduce smog-forming nitrogen oxide (NOx) emissions from new heavy-duty, diesel-powered trucks.
Both rules are intended to deliver health benefits to California citizens affected by vehicle pollution, according to the environmental group Earthjustice. If the state gets federal approval for the final steps to become law, the rules mean that cars on the road in California will largely be zero-emissions a generation from now in the 2050s, accounting for the average vehicle lifespan of vehicles with internal combustion engine (ICE) power sold before that 2035 date.
“This might read like checking a bureaucratic box, but EPA’s approval is a critical step forward in protecting our lungs from pollution and our wallets from the expenses of combustion fuels,” Paul Cort, director of Earthjustice’s Right To Zero campaign, said in a release. “The gradual shift in car sales to zero-emissions models will cut smog and household costs while growing California’s clean energy workforce. Cutting truck pollution will help clear our skies of smog. EPA should now approve the remaining authorization requests from California to allow the state to clean its air and protect its residents.”
However, the truck drivers' industry group Owner-Operator Independent Drivers Association (OOIDA) pushed back against the federal decision allowing the Omnibus Low-NOx rule to advance. "The Omnibus Low-NOx waiver for California calls into question the policymaking process under the Biden administration's EPA. Purposefully injecting uncertainty into a $588 billion American industry is bad for our economy and makes no meaningful progress towards purported environmental goals," (OOIDA) President Todd Spencer said in a release. "EPA's credibility outside of radical environmental circles would have been better served by working with regulated industries rather than ramming through last-minute special interest favors. We look forward to working with the Trump administration's EPA in good faith towards achievable environmental outcomes.”
Editor's note:This article was revised on December 18 to add reaction from OOIDA.
Global trade will see a moderate rebound in 2025, likely growing by 3.6% in volume terms, helped by companies restocking and households renewing purchases of durable goods while reducing spending on services, according to a forecast from trade credit insurer Allianz Trade.
The end of the year for 2024 will also likely be supported by companies rushing to ship goods in anticipation of the higher tariffs likely to be imposed by the coming Trump administration, and other potential disruptions in the coming quarters, the report said.
However, that tailwind for global trade will likely shift to a headwind once the effects of a renewed but contained trade war are felt from the second half of 2025 and in full in 2026. As a result, Allianz Trade has throttled back its predictions, saying that global trade in volume will grow by 2.8% in 2025 (reduced by 0.2 percentage points vs. its previous forecast) and 2.3% in 2026 (reduced by 0.5 percentage points).
The same logic applies to Allianz Trade’s forecast for export prices in U.S. dollars, which the firm has now revised downward to predict growth reaching 2.3% in 2025 (reduced by 1.7 percentage points) and 4.1% in 2026 (reduced by 0.8 percentage points).
In the meantime, the rush to frontload imports into the U.S. is giving freight carriers an early Christmas present. According to Allianz Trade, data released last week showed Chinese exports rising by a robust 6.7% y/y in November. And imports of some consumer goods that have been threatened with a likely 25% tariff under the new Trump administration have outperformed even more, growing by nearly 20% y/y on average between July and September.