Mark Solomon joined DC VELOCITY as senior editor in August 2008, and was promoted to his current position on January 1, 2015. He has spent more than 30 years in the transportation, logistics and supply chain management fields as a journalist and public relations professional. From 1989 to 1994, he worked in Washington as a reporter for the Journal of Commerce, covering the aviation and trucking industries, the Department of Transportation, Congress and the U.S. Supreme Court. Prior to that, he worked for Traffic World for seven years in a similar role. From 1994 to 2008, Mr. Solomon ran Media-Based Solutions, a public relations firm based in Atlanta. He graduated in 1978 with a B.A. in journalism from The American University in Washington, D.C.
As truckers and railroads mark the 30th anniversary of their freedom from government bondage, they find themselves in a position they and the lawmakers who deregulated both industries in 1980 could have scarcely imagined back then.
Partners.
To be sure, the day has not arrived when both can shake off all the vestiges of their traditional rivalry. Truckers chafe at the notion that railroads could receive federal subsidies to modernize privately owned track and rolling stock. The railroads have no problem boasting about how their operations are more fuel-efficient and environmentally friendly than trucking, a tack that doesn't win the rails many friends among trucking interests, who happen to be their largest customers.
In addition, unless the trucker is tendering freight in very large quantities, it is unlikely to receive more favorable pricing or customized service than any other intermodal customer, according to Thomas Finkbiner, who headed Norfolk Southern Corp.'s intermodal operations in the 1990s and is now executive vice president, sales and marketing for Railex, a provider of refrigerated rail transport, warehousing, and distribution services.
For all the political infighting, however, the two industries are increasingly discovering their respective strengths can be mutually beneficial. Trucks provide railroads with a steady and growing stream of intermodal business, while intermodal helps trucks obtain additional capacity while reducing their operating expenses compared to over-the-road transport. Shippers also gain from increased service options at lower cost and with enhanced environmental benefits.
If there is a loser in this scenario, it might be the truck driver community, which could see reduced work opportunities should more freight that once moved over the road be converted to rail.
A more passionate tango
The rail-truck intermodal tango is not a new dance —UPS Inc., which many would still consider a trucking company, has been for years the railroad industry's largest individual customer. But increasing acceptance of the rails' energy, environmental, and infrastructure advantages, combined with improvements in intermodal reliability and velocity (consultancy FTR Associates today clocks average intermodal train speeds at 33.5 miles per hour, much higher than the historical averages of 30 mph or lower) is sparking more rail-truck intermodal interest than ever before.
Another plus is that trucking firms bring a depth of sales and marketing expertise to the intermodal table that railroads, for the most part, do not have. Larry H. Kaufman, a long-time rail executive, consultant, and writer, says rail management is more comfortable working with its traditional base of captive commodity shippers than with businesses using intermodal service to move merchandise traffic. Given that, rails are happy to let the truckers handle the intermodal marketing, Kaufman says.
Recent events and anecdotes underscore the growing bond between the two modes:
In early November, trucking giant J.B. Hunt Transport Services and Norfolk Southern dramatically expanded their 10-year intermodal relationship in a deal that will cover a swath of the East Coast equivalent to roughly one-third the area of the United States.
Con-way Truckload, Con-way's full-truckload division, will begin intermodal service this year in an agreement involving a major shipper and Eastern railroad on a lane along the Eastern Seaboard. Con-way Truckload would not provide specifics at this writing.
Less-than-truckload (LTL) carrier Averitt Express continues to be actively courted by as many as four railroads eager for Averitt's over-the-road freight that could be converted to intermodal service. Averitt spokesman Brad Brown would say only that the company is "working to establish strategic relationships with the railroads to deliver world-class intermodal options for our customers."
At the same time, the railroads are expanding their domestic intermodal networks in a bid to attract more trucking business. Norfolk Southern has launched a "Crescent Corridor" intermodal initiative with service stretching from New England, northern New Jersey, and Pennsylvania southward to Memphis, Tenn., and New Orleans. As part of the project, the railroad will build new intermodal terminals in Birmingham, Ala.; Memphis; and Greencastle, Pa. The three terminals are set to open in early 2012. Norfolk is also developing the "Patriot Corridor" project with Pan American Railways that will link Boston and Albany, N.Y., with intermodal service.
In the Midwest, the state of Kansas applied in September for $50 million in federal stimulus funds to build a Burlington Northern Santa Fe Railway intermodal facility in Edgerton, near Kansas City. If the state's application is approved, work could begin this year, BNSF said in a statement.
The rails are moving ahead with these initiatives because they understand domestic intermodal is where their future bread is likely to be buttered. In 2009, domestic services accounted for 48 percent of total intermodal volumes, with international accounting for the balance, according to the Intermodal Association of North America (IANA). In 2006, domestic service accounted for only 41 percent of all intermodal traffic, IANA said.
From September to October 2009, domestic container intermodal traffic grew 9 percent, the strongest sequential growth of the year, IANA said. The domestic container segment was the one bright spot in an otherwise dismal 2009 for intermodal and rail traffic.
Given an inch, will they take a mile?
As railroads focus more attention on domestic intermodal, they will likely be asked to perform over shorter lengths of haul than they are accustomed to handling. That could put railroads in direct competition with truckers on regional services that have not only been the trucks' traditional realm but which have been the fastest-growing category of U.S. transportation.
The rails are not there yet. According to FTR data, the average length of haul of a domestic intermodal movement in the third quarter was 1,507 miles, hardly a short stage length.
In the past, rail executives have said they couldn't provide a profitable and cost-effective intermodal service at hauling lengths of less than 900 miles. But thanks to improved service levels and better traffic density that cuts the time a train needs to be held for full loading, rail executives say they can today offer competitive intermodal service between 750 and 1,000 miles, and even as short as 500 to 600 miles.
"Today, 500 to 600 miles is right around the break-even point," says Finkbiner of Railex.
Even some of the truckers are cognizant of the potential for increased competition from the railroads. In its press release announcing the intermodal deal with Norfolk Southern, J.B. Hunt said the service would be "competitive with truckload moves."
Jim Bolander, Norfolk Southern's assistant vice president of intermodal pricing and development, says the railroad's short-haul freight —known within the company as "low cal" freight —posted double-digit annual gains from 2003 through 2008 and even showed modest growth during a difficult 2009. The average length of haul is 500 to 700 miles between intermodal ramps, and 600 to 1,000 miles door to door, according to Bolander.
"This has been our domestic growth story," he says.
Bolander says the railroad is simply going with the customer flow, which today often means regionally based shipping and distribution. "We are not looking to shrink our length of haul. But we are following the freight," he says.
Truckers, for their part, don't seem too concerned. Nor should they be, according to some analysts. Trucks are unencumbered by the need to find railheads, track, or rail ramps. In addition, they have the edge over railroads when it comes to travel distances. Because the foundations of the nation's rail network were laid before 1900 and follow the contours of America's coastal and inland waterways, which were not the shortest distance between two points, the average rail move remains about 20 percent longer than the typical truck move.
Then there is the expense of the dray —the delivery to and from the rail ramps —that can often offset the economic benefits of the rail move itself.
On longer hauls, there is enough revenue mileage for a railroad to incorporate the drayage expense and still provide savings to the shipper and consignee. On shorter distances, however, there is less of a cushion. With fewer rail miles to work with, the high cost of drayage will often make a rail move more expensive than a door-to-door movement by truck, analysts say.
Larry Gross, an analyst for FTR, says the only way railroads can compete with trucks over shorter lengths of haul is if railroads built more local or "secondary" terminals that would allow drayage to be performed within 50 to 60 miles of a shipper's plant or the consignee's dock.
"The more secondary terminals that are established, the greater intermodal's competitiveness at the shorter lengths of haul will be," Gross says.
Given that railroads are far from building out such dense infrastructures, Gross doesn't see much of a competitive threat to trucks from intermodal. "I don't think that truckers operating in the 500- to 750-mile lengths of haul have too much to worry about," he says.
Herb Schmidt, president of Con-way Truckload, agrees, saying that "short-haul on rail is trying to stick a square peg in a round hole." And Curtis Whalen, executive director of the American Trucking Associations' Intermodal Motor Carriers Conference, says he's not worried about where his members' next load is coming from, especially as a truck must be a part of every intermodal move. "Our guys will keep pretty busy," he says.
Observers like Finkbiner of Railex believe a spike in diesel fuel prices similar to what occurred in 2008 could shift the balance in favor of rails even at shorter lengths of haul. Gross insists, however, that the most important factor is "not the price of the fuel but the footprint of the rail intermodal network."
Congestion on U.S. highways is costing the trucking industry big, according to research from the American Transportation Research Institute (ATRI), released today.
The group found that traffic congestion on U.S. highways added $108.8 billion in costs to the trucking industry in 2022, a record high. The information comes from ATRI’s Cost of Congestion study, which is part of the organization’s ongoing highway performance measurement research.
Total hours of congestion fell slightly compared to 2021 due to softening freight market conditions, but the cost of operating a truck increased at a much higher rate, according to the research. As a result, the overall cost of congestion increased by 15% year-over-year—a level equivalent to more than 430,000 commercial truck drivers sitting idle for one work year and an average cost of $7,588 for every registered combination truck.
The analysis also identified metropolitan delays and related impacts, showing that the top 10 most-congested states each experienced added costs of more than $8 billion. That list was led by Texas, at $9.17 billion in added costs; California, at $8.77 billion; and Florida, $8.44 billion. Rounding out the top 10 list were New York, Georgia, New Jersey, Illinois, Pennsylvania, Louisiana, and Tennessee. Combined, the top 10 states account for more than half of the trucking industry’s congestion costs nationwide—52%, according to the research.
The metro areas with the highest congestion costs include New York City, $6.68 billion; Miami, $3.2 billion; and Chicago, $3.14 billion.
ATRI’s analysis also found that the trucking industry wasted more than 6.4 billion gallons of diesel fuel in 2022 due to congestion, resulting in additional fuel costs of $32.1 billion.
ATRI used a combination of data sources, including its truck GPS database and Operational Costs study benchmarks, to calculate the impacts of trucking delays on major U.S. roadways.
There’s a photo from 1971 that John Kent, professor of supply chain management at the University of Arkansas, likes to show. It’s of a shaggy-haired 18-year-old named Glenn Cowan grinning at three-time world table tennis champion Zhuang Zedong, while holding a silk tapestry Zhuang had just given him. Cowan was a member of the U.S. table tennis team who participated in the 1971 World Table Tennis Championships in Nagoya, Japan. Story has it that one morning, he overslept and missed his bus to the tournament and had to hitch a ride with the Chinese national team and met and connected with Zhuang.
Cowan and Zhuang’s interaction led to an invitation for the U.S. team to visit China. At the time, the two countries were just beginning to emerge from a 20-year period of decidedly frosty relations, strict travel bans, and trade restrictions. The highly publicized trip signaled a willingness on both sides to renew relations and launched the term “pingpong diplomacy.”
Kent, who is a senior fellow at the George H. W. Bush Foundation for U.S.-China Relations, believes the photograph is a good reminder that some 50-odd years ago, the economies of the United States and China were not as tightly interwoven as they are today. At the time, the Nixon administration was looking to form closer political and economic ties between the two countries in hopes of reducing chances of future conflict (and to weaken alliances among Communist countries).
The signals coming out of Washington and Beijing are now, of course, much different than they were in the early 1970s. Instead of advocating for better relations, political rhetoric focuses on the need for the U.S. to “decouple” from China. Both Republicans and Democrats have warned that the U.S. economy is too dependent on goods manufactured in China. They see this dependency as a threat to economic strength, American jobs, supply chain resiliency, and national security.
Supply chain professionals, however, know that extricating ourselves from our reliance on Chinese manufacturing is easier said than done. Many pundits push for a “China + 1” strategy, where companies diversify their manufacturing and sourcing options beyond China. But in reality, that “plus one” is often a Chinese company operating in a different country or a non-Chinese manufacturer that is still heavily dependent on material or subcomponents made in China.
This is the problem when supply chain decisions are made on a global scale without input from supply chain professionals. In an article in the Arkansas Democrat-Gazette, Kent argues that, “The discussions on supply chains mainly take place between government officials who typically bring many other competing issues and agendas to the table. Corporate entities—the individuals and companies directly impacted by supply chains—tend to be under-represented in the conversation.”
Kent is a proponent of what he calls “supply chain diplomacy,” where experts from academia and industry from the U.S. and China work collaboratively to create better, more efficient global supply chains. Take, for example, the “Peace Beans” project that Kent is involved with. This project, jointly formed by Zhejiang University and the Bush China Foundation, proposes balancing supply chains by exporting soybeans from Arkansas to tofu producers in China’s Yunnan province, and, in return, importing coffee beans grown in Yunnan to coffee roasters in Arkansas. Kent believes the operation could even use the same transportation equipment.
The benefits of working collaboratively—instead of continuing to build friction in the supply chain through tariffs and adversarial relationships—are numerous, according to Kent and his colleagues. They believe it would be much better if the two major world economies worked together on issues like global inflation, climate change, and artificial intelligence.
And such relations could play a significant role in strengthening world peace, particularly in light of ongoing tensions over Taiwan. Because, as Kent writes, “The 19th-century idea that ‘When goods don’t cross borders, soldiers will’ is as true today as ever. Perhaps more so.”
Hyster-Yale Materials Handling today announced its plans to fulfill the domestic manufacturing requirements of the Build America, Buy America (BABA) Act for certain portions of its lineup of forklift trucks and container handling equipment.
That means the Greenville, North Carolina-based company now plans to expand its existing American manufacturing with a targeted set of high-capacity models, including electric options, that align with the needs of infrastructure projects subject to BABA requirements. The company’s plans include determining the optimal production location in the United States, strategically expanding sourcing agreements to meet local material requirements, and further developing electric power options for high-capacity equipment.
As a part of the 2021 Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act, the BABA Act aims to increase the use of American-made materials in federally funded infrastructure projects across the U.S., Hyster-Yale says. It was enacted as part of a broader effort to boost domestic manufacturing and economic growth, and mandates that federal dollars allocated to infrastructure – such as roads, bridges, ports and public transit systems – must prioritize materials produced in the USA, including critical items like steel, iron and various construction materials.
Hyster-Yale’s footprint in the U.S. is spread across 10 locations, including three manufacturing facilities.
“Our leadership is fully invested in meeting the needs of businesses that require BABA-compliant material handling solutions,” Tony Salgado, Hyster-Yale’s chief operating officer, said in a release. “We are working to partner with our key domestic suppliers, as well as identifying how best to leverage our own American manufacturing footprint to deliver a competitive solution for our customers and stakeholders. But beyond mere compliance, and in line with the many areas of our business where we are evolving to better support our customers, our commitment remains steadfast. We are dedicated to delivering industry-leading standards in design, durability and performance — qualities that have become synonymous with our brands worldwide and that our customers have come to rely on and expect.”
In a separate move, the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) also gave its approval for the state to advance its Heavy-Duty Omnibus Rule, which is crafted to significantly reduce smog-forming nitrogen oxide (NOx) emissions from new heavy-duty, diesel-powered trucks.
Both rules are intended to deliver health benefits to California citizens affected by vehicle pollution, according to the environmental group Earthjustice. If the state gets federal approval for the final steps to become law, the rules mean that cars on the road in California will largely be zero-emissions a generation from now in the 2050s, accounting for the average vehicle lifespan of vehicles with internal combustion engine (ICE) power sold before that 2035 date.
“This might read like checking a bureaucratic box, but EPA’s approval is a critical step forward in protecting our lungs from pollution and our wallets from the expenses of combustion fuels,” Paul Cort, director of Earthjustice’s Right To Zero campaign, said in a release. “The gradual shift in car sales to zero-emissions models will cut smog and household costs while growing California’s clean energy workforce. Cutting truck pollution will help clear our skies of smog. EPA should now approve the remaining authorization requests from California to allow the state to clean its air and protect its residents.”
However, the truck drivers' industry group Owner-Operator Independent Drivers Association (OOIDA) pushed back against the federal decision allowing the Omnibus Low-NOx rule to advance. "The Omnibus Low-NOx waiver for California calls into question the policymaking process under the Biden administration's EPA. Purposefully injecting uncertainty into a $588 billion American industry is bad for our economy and makes no meaningful progress towards purported environmental goals," (OOIDA) President Todd Spencer said in a release. "EPA's credibility outside of radical environmental circles would have been better served by working with regulated industries rather than ramming through last-minute special interest favors. We look forward to working with the Trump administration's EPA in good faith towards achievable environmental outcomes.”
Editor's note:This article was revised on December 18 to add reaction from OOIDA.
Global trade will see a moderate rebound in 2025, likely growing by 3.6% in volume terms, helped by companies restocking and households renewing purchases of durable goods while reducing spending on services, according to a forecast from trade credit insurer Allianz Trade.
The end of the year for 2024 will also likely be supported by companies rushing to ship goods in anticipation of the higher tariffs likely to be imposed by the coming Trump administration, and other potential disruptions in the coming quarters, the report said.
However, that tailwind for global trade will likely shift to a headwind once the effects of a renewed but contained trade war are felt from the second half of 2025 and in full in 2026. As a result, Allianz Trade has throttled back its predictions, saying that global trade in volume will grow by 2.8% in 2025 (reduced by 0.2 percentage points vs. its previous forecast) and 2.3% in 2026 (reduced by 0.5 percentage points).
The same logic applies to Allianz Trade’s forecast for export prices in U.S. dollars, which the firm has now revised downward to predict growth reaching 2.3% in 2025 (reduced by 1.7 percentage points) and 4.1% in 2026 (reduced by 0.8 percentage points).
In the meantime, the rush to frontload imports into the U.S. is giving freight carriers an early Christmas present. According to Allianz Trade, data released last week showed Chinese exports rising by a robust 6.7% y/y in November. And imports of some consumer goods that have been threatened with a likely 25% tariff under the new Trump administration have outperformed even more, growing by nearly 20% y/y on average between July and September.