Earl Boyanton recently retired from the post of assistant deputy under secretary of defense for transportation policy, which he held from 2001 to 2008. In this position, he was the DOD's senior official focused on transportation in the Office of the Secretary of Defense, spanning all DOD passenger and cargo transportation. He had oversight responsibility for the biggest transportation operation in the world.
A 17,000-ton container ship loaded with food and relief supplies might seem an unlikely setting for high drama on the open seas. But that's precisely what the cargo ship Maersk Alabama became last April when four heavily armed Somali pirates boarded the vessel using ropes and grappling hooks. The story that unfolded over the next five days is well known: Within hours of the attack, the crew took back control of the vessel, but the pirates escaped, taking the ship's captain hostage. For four tense days, the captain and his captors bobbed about the Indian Ocean in an orange lifeboat, until U.S. Navy SEAL marksmen ended the standoff and rescued the captain.
Seven months later, the incident may have faded from the headlines, but pirate attacks along Somalia's coast haven't abated. In fact, they appear to have escalated. According to the latest quarterly report from the International Maritime Bureau, 147 incidents were reported off the Somali coast (including the busy Gulf of Aden) in the first nine months of this year, compared with 63 in the same period the previous year. And the threat is unlikely to subside anytime soon.
Piracy, and the threat of piracy, has serious implications for maritime commerce—and for a maritime nation like the United States that depends on oceangoing vessels to deliver everything from oil and petroleum to low-cost Asian-made goods. And it's not just about the potential to snarl global supply chains and drive up costs. What's at stake here is nothing less than freedom of the seas.
Millions in ransom
Although piracy isn't limited to Africa's East Coast, the escalating activity around the Gulf of Aden is a particular concern because it's part of one of the world's most vital sea lanes—the channel connecting Asia to Europe and the United States via the Suez Canal. If a ship transits the Suez Canal, it must transit the Gulf of Aden. In total, 20,000 vessels sail through the Gulf of Aden each year, according to Reuters. That includes approximately 12 percent of the world's petroleum traffic as well as large quantities of bulk and containerized dry cargo, the International Maritime Organization told the U.N. Security Council in a November 2008 appeal for help combating Somali pirates.
Last year, pirates attacked well over 100 vessels in the region, capturing 42 of them, according to press reports. Ransoms paid out to obtain the release of crews, passengers, vessels, and cargo totaled $30 million. In response, marine insurance brokers have added $20,000 per voyage through the Gulf of Aden, according to underwriter Hiscox. To no one's surprise, ocean carriers are passing those costs right through to shippers. As of the middle of 2009, Maersk Line had raised charges for customers whose cargo is handled by East African ports by $50 or $100 per container. For cargo on vessels that merely travel through the Gulf of Aden to another destination, Maersk added "war risk charges" of $25 for each 20-foot container and $50 for each 40-foot container.
Some shipping companies have decided to avoid the Gulf of Aden altogether, rerouting their vessels around the Cape of Good Hope on Africa's southern tip rather than sail through the Suez Canal. Even before the Alabama incident, Maersk had rerouted certain vulnerable ships, mostly petroleum tankers, away from the area.
That traffic diversion is reflected in the Suez Canal's activity reports. Traffic moving through the Suez Canal in January 2009 (1,313 transits) was down 22 percent from January 2008 levels (1,690 transits). Tonnage represented by the January 2009 transits was the lowest in 30 months. Although the maritime journal Lloyd's List notes that worldwide economic conditions contributed to the decline, the rerouting of ships is widely considered to be a significant factor in the drop-off.
But rerouting comes with costs of its own. Sailing around the southern tip of Africa adds 5,000 miles and three weeks or more to a voyage—and serious dollars to the trip's cost. Longer transit times have implications for fuel consumption and inventory as well.
Military might
The pirate attacks haven't gone unnoticed by world governments. In response to the rising piracy threat in Somalia's waters, a consortium of naval powers, including India, China, Great Britain, Japan, France, Sweden, and the United States, have stepped up patrols in the Gulf of Aden and the East African Coast.
But surveillance is difficult and patrols are widely spaced, even with increased numbers of combatant vessels augmented by airborne and (presumably) space-based assets. According to the United Kingdom's Ministry of Defence, the area to be patrolled and protected measures over 1 million square miles—an area four times the size of Texas.
As of late spring 2009, the multinational consortium's gunboat flotilla numbered only about 30 ships. Think about it: On any given day, 30 patrol vessels are trying to find five guys in a Zodiac with some grappling hooks, automatic rifles, and maybe rocket-propelled grenades in a vast expanse of ocean. Even when the warships concentrate on the principal sea lanes, it's not always possible for them to respond quickly enough to thwart a pirate attack. Spread 30 patrol cars across an area four times the size of Texas, and you don't have much of a deterrent …and a patrol car is a lot faster than a warship.
Furthermore, even though more than 16 nations have joined in the naval counter-piracy operation, there is one important player missing: Somalia. Somalia, in diplomats' language, is a "failed state"—one without a functioning government—which means there simply isn't a Somali national authority to appeal to. Piracy, at its core, is a land-based problem because the pirates' bases are located on shore. As long as there's no government to crack down on their activities, the pirates will have a safe haven in Somalia, and they will continue to operate with impunity.
With little hope of a political solution anytime soon, commercial shipping lines are taking added steps to protect their vessels, like installing barbed wire around the deck's edges and, in some cases, deploying armed guards. In addition, the multinational naval consortium has established a special sea lane for commercial ships, which allows it to keep a closer protective watch over vessels transiting the area. These measures appear to be having some effect. The Associated Press reports that they've cut down on the number of successful Somali pirate attacks. In 2008, 42 successful pirate attacks were reported; as of August 2009, the total was only 28.
It's all in a day's planning
As sensational as it may be, piracy, when looked at purely from a supply chain perspective, is but another form of disruption. And disruption is something logistics professionals deal with—and plan for—on a routine basis, identifying threats, quantifying and ranking them, and then coming up with ways to mitigate the damage.
In this regard, piracy is no different from any other risk—say, a hurricane, port congestion, or a business failure by a supplier. It's a threat that can be rationally evaluated and addressed as part of the contingency planning process (risk mitigation measures might include upping insurance coverage, identifying alternative suppliers, and creating contingency freight routing plans with associated decision triggers).
Congestion on U.S. highways is costing the trucking industry big, according to research from the American Transportation Research Institute (ATRI), released today.
The group found that traffic congestion on U.S. highways added $108.8 billion in costs to the trucking industry in 2022, a record high. The information comes from ATRI’s Cost of Congestion study, which is part of the organization’s ongoing highway performance measurement research.
Total hours of congestion fell slightly compared to 2021 due to softening freight market conditions, but the cost of operating a truck increased at a much higher rate, according to the research. As a result, the overall cost of congestion increased by 15% year-over-year—a level equivalent to more than 430,000 commercial truck drivers sitting idle for one work year and an average cost of $7,588 for every registered combination truck.
The analysis also identified metropolitan delays and related impacts, showing that the top 10 most-congested states each experienced added costs of more than $8 billion. That list was led by Texas, at $9.17 billion in added costs; California, at $8.77 billion; and Florida, $8.44 billion. Rounding out the top 10 list were New York, Georgia, New Jersey, Illinois, Pennsylvania, Louisiana, and Tennessee. Combined, the top 10 states account for more than half of the trucking industry’s congestion costs nationwide—52%, according to the research.
The metro areas with the highest congestion costs include New York City, $6.68 billion; Miami, $3.2 billion; and Chicago, $3.14 billion.
ATRI’s analysis also found that the trucking industry wasted more than 6.4 billion gallons of diesel fuel in 2022 due to congestion, resulting in additional fuel costs of $32.1 billion.
ATRI used a combination of data sources, including its truck GPS database and Operational Costs study benchmarks, to calculate the impacts of trucking delays on major U.S. roadways.
There’s a photo from 1971 that John Kent, professor of supply chain management at the University of Arkansas, likes to show. It’s of a shaggy-haired 18-year-old named Glenn Cowan grinning at three-time world table tennis champion Zhuang Zedong, while holding a silk tapestry Zhuang had just given him. Cowan was a member of the U.S. table tennis team who participated in the 1971 World Table Tennis Championships in Nagoya, Japan. Story has it that one morning, he overslept and missed his bus to the tournament and had to hitch a ride with the Chinese national team and met and connected with Zhuang.
Cowan and Zhuang’s interaction led to an invitation for the U.S. team to visit China. At the time, the two countries were just beginning to emerge from a 20-year period of decidedly frosty relations, strict travel bans, and trade restrictions. The highly publicized trip signaled a willingness on both sides to renew relations and launched the term “pingpong diplomacy.”
Kent, who is a senior fellow at the George H. W. Bush Foundation for U.S.-China Relations, believes the photograph is a good reminder that some 50-odd years ago, the economies of the United States and China were not as tightly interwoven as they are today. At the time, the Nixon administration was looking to form closer political and economic ties between the two countries in hopes of reducing chances of future conflict (and to weaken alliances among Communist countries).
The signals coming out of Washington and Beijing are now, of course, much different than they were in the early 1970s. Instead of advocating for better relations, political rhetoric focuses on the need for the U.S. to “decouple” from China. Both Republicans and Democrats have warned that the U.S. economy is too dependent on goods manufactured in China. They see this dependency as a threat to economic strength, American jobs, supply chain resiliency, and national security.
Supply chain professionals, however, know that extricating ourselves from our reliance on Chinese manufacturing is easier said than done. Many pundits push for a “China + 1” strategy, where companies diversify their manufacturing and sourcing options beyond China. But in reality, that “plus one” is often a Chinese company operating in a different country or a non-Chinese manufacturer that is still heavily dependent on material or subcomponents made in China.
This is the problem when supply chain decisions are made on a global scale without input from supply chain professionals. In an article in the Arkansas Democrat-Gazette, Kent argues that, “The discussions on supply chains mainly take place between government officials who typically bring many other competing issues and agendas to the table. Corporate entities—the individuals and companies directly impacted by supply chains—tend to be under-represented in the conversation.”
Kent is a proponent of what he calls “supply chain diplomacy,” where experts from academia and industry from the U.S. and China work collaboratively to create better, more efficient global supply chains. Take, for example, the “Peace Beans” project that Kent is involved with. This project, jointly formed by Zhejiang University and the Bush China Foundation, proposes balancing supply chains by exporting soybeans from Arkansas to tofu producers in China’s Yunnan province, and, in return, importing coffee beans grown in Yunnan to coffee roasters in Arkansas. Kent believes the operation could even use the same transportation equipment.
The benefits of working collaboratively—instead of continuing to build friction in the supply chain through tariffs and adversarial relationships—are numerous, according to Kent and his colleagues. They believe it would be much better if the two major world economies worked together on issues like global inflation, climate change, and artificial intelligence.
And such relations could play a significant role in strengthening world peace, particularly in light of ongoing tensions over Taiwan. Because, as Kent writes, “The 19th-century idea that ‘When goods don’t cross borders, soldiers will’ is as true today as ever. Perhaps more so.”
Hyster-Yale Materials Handling today announced its plans to fulfill the domestic manufacturing requirements of the Build America, Buy America (BABA) Act for certain portions of its lineup of forklift trucks and container handling equipment.
That means the Greenville, North Carolina-based company now plans to expand its existing American manufacturing with a targeted set of high-capacity models, including electric options, that align with the needs of infrastructure projects subject to BABA requirements. The company’s plans include determining the optimal production location in the United States, strategically expanding sourcing agreements to meet local material requirements, and further developing electric power options for high-capacity equipment.
As a part of the 2021 Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act, the BABA Act aims to increase the use of American-made materials in federally funded infrastructure projects across the U.S., Hyster-Yale says. It was enacted as part of a broader effort to boost domestic manufacturing and economic growth, and mandates that federal dollars allocated to infrastructure – such as roads, bridges, ports and public transit systems – must prioritize materials produced in the USA, including critical items like steel, iron and various construction materials.
Hyster-Yale’s footprint in the U.S. is spread across 10 locations, including three manufacturing facilities.
“Our leadership is fully invested in meeting the needs of businesses that require BABA-compliant material handling solutions,” Tony Salgado, Hyster-Yale’s chief operating officer, said in a release. “We are working to partner with our key domestic suppliers, as well as identifying how best to leverage our own American manufacturing footprint to deliver a competitive solution for our customers and stakeholders. But beyond mere compliance, and in line with the many areas of our business where we are evolving to better support our customers, our commitment remains steadfast. We are dedicated to delivering industry-leading standards in design, durability and performance — qualities that have become synonymous with our brands worldwide and that our customers have come to rely on and expect.”
In a separate move, the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) also gave its approval for the state to advance its Heavy-Duty Omnibus Rule, which is crafted to significantly reduce smog-forming nitrogen oxide (NOx) emissions from new heavy-duty, diesel-powered trucks.
Both rules are intended to deliver health benefits to California citizens affected by vehicle pollution, according to the environmental group Earthjustice. If the state gets federal approval for the final steps to become law, the rules mean that cars on the road in California will largely be zero-emissions a generation from now in the 2050s, accounting for the average vehicle lifespan of vehicles with internal combustion engine (ICE) power sold before that 2035 date.
“This might read like checking a bureaucratic box, but EPA’s approval is a critical step forward in protecting our lungs from pollution and our wallets from the expenses of combustion fuels,” Paul Cort, director of Earthjustice’s Right To Zero campaign, said in a release. “The gradual shift in car sales to zero-emissions models will cut smog and household costs while growing California’s clean energy workforce. Cutting truck pollution will help clear our skies of smog. EPA should now approve the remaining authorization requests from California to allow the state to clean its air and protect its residents.”
However, the truck drivers' industry group Owner-Operator Independent Drivers Association (OOIDA) pushed back against the federal decision allowing the Omnibus Low-NOx rule to advance. "The Omnibus Low-NOx waiver for California calls into question the policymaking process under the Biden administration's EPA. Purposefully injecting uncertainty into a $588 billion American industry is bad for our economy and makes no meaningful progress towards purported environmental goals," (OOIDA) President Todd Spencer said in a release. "EPA's credibility outside of radical environmental circles would have been better served by working with regulated industries rather than ramming through last-minute special interest favors. We look forward to working with the Trump administration's EPA in good faith towards achievable environmental outcomes.”
Editor's note:This article was revised on December 18 to add reaction from OOIDA.
A Canadian startup that provides AI-powered logistics solutions has gained $5.5 million in seed funding to support its concept of creating a digital platform for global trade, according to Toronto-based Starboard.
The round was led by Eclipse, with participation from previous backers Garuda Ventures and Everywhere Ventures. The firm says it will use its new backing to expand its engineering team in Toronto and accelerate its AI-driven product development to simplify supply chain complexities.
According to Starboard, the logistics industry is under immense pressure to adapt to the growing complexity of global trade, which has hit recent hurdles such as the strike at U.S. east and gulf coast ports. That situation calls for innovative solutions to streamline operations and reduce costs for operators.
As a potential solution, Starboard offers its flagship product, which it defines as an AI-based transportation management system (TMS) and rate management system that helps mid-sized freight forwarders operate more efficiently and win more business. More broadly, Starboard says it is building the virtual infrastructure for global trade, allowing freight companies to leverage AI and machine learning to optimize operations such as processing shipments in real time, reconciling invoices, and following up on payments.
"This investment is a pivotal step in our mission to unlock the power of AI for our customers," said Sumeet Trehan, Co-Founder and CEO of Starboard. "Global trade has long been plagued by inefficiencies that drive up costs and reduce competitiveness. Our platform is designed to empower SMB freight forwarders—the backbone of more than $20 trillion in global trade and $1 trillion in logistics spend—with the tools they need to thrive in this complex ecosystem."