Norm Mineta has wielded more influence over transportation than perhaps any public official in history. He's 77 and out of the public limelight, but he still has considerable skin in the game.
Mark Solomon joined DC VELOCITY as senior editor in August 2008, and was promoted to his current position on January 1, 2015. He has spent more than 30 years in the transportation, logistics and supply chain management fields as a journalist and public relations professional. From 1989 to 1994, he worked in Washington as a reporter for the Journal of Commerce, covering the aviation and trucking industries, the Department of Transportation, Congress and the U.S. Supreme Court. Prior to that, he worked for Traffic World for seven years in a similar role. From 1994 to 2008, Mr. Solomon ran Media-Based Solutions, a public relations firm based in Atlanta. He graduated in 1978 with a B.A. in journalism from The American University in Washington, D.C.
Few individuals in the last 30 years have made as indelible an imprint on transportation and public service as Norman Y. Mineta.
From his days as mayor of San Jose, Calif., through the years he spent in Washington serving as chairman of the House Aviation Subcommittee and the House Public Works and Transportation Committee, as secretary of commerce under President Clinton, and, under President George W. Bush, as the longest-tenured secretary of transportation in DOT's 42-year history, Mineta's knowledge, political skills, and integrity put him above the typical Beltway bickering and partisanship. In what might have been the ultimate nod to his reputation and experience, Mineta became the only Democrat to serve in the Bush cabinet.
After his retirement from public life in July 2006, Mineta was named vice chairman of Hill & Knowlton, the huge public affairs, public relations, and communications consulting firm. He holds that position today and estimates he spends 40 percent of his time on transportation and infrastructure issues.
Recently, Mineta sat down with DC VELOCITY to discuss his accomplishments, his frustrations, the present and future of transportation in America, and the current DOT secretary, Ray LaHood, who, like Mineta, was plucked from the other side of the congressional aisle to serve at the pleasure of the president of the opposition party.
Q: You have spent most of your career in public service. What is your role now that you are in private life, and how does it differ from what you were doing as mayor, congressman, and cabinet secretary?
A: I spend much of my time on the broad issues of business development and strategic initiatives. When it comes to transportation and infrastructure, we know there are limitations because of restricted available financial resources. It may be that there is not enough money coming from public funds. We then look at the potential for utilizing such strategies as public- private partnerships, and for determining if there are private sources that can match or supplement existing public funds to build certain types of infrastructure. I'm not doing that much differently than I did as a public official, except as a public official I had designated pots of money to work with, whether for roads and bridges or for emergencies.
Q: Who are your clients and what are you telling them today about the state of the economy and the capital markets?
A: I'm not at liberty to divulge the names of our clients. What I can tell you is that we're doing a lot of what would be considered "bridge financing" of projects. For example, a port authority may do its own financing and underwriting for a project, but come up, say, $80 million short of what is needed. My work involves facilitating the involvement of outside sources of capital. But there are questions as to whether companies can step up to the table today. Whether it is debt financing or equity funding, funds are hard to come by. The credit window has closed to a great extent. People are in a holding pattern until they see things improving.
Q: Do you see that happening any time soon?
A: I do.
Q: Do you see any improvement in freight activity and demand?
A: The question is will there be money to improve major freight corridors connecting, say, ports of entry with distribution centers. The stimulus package does not come up with a lot of money. In his initial stimulus proposal, President Obama proposed somewhere around $300 billion in transport and infrastructure. The final bill allocated some $58 billion.
Maybe right now, with the economy down, it's not a big deal. But in two or three years when the economy comes roaring back and we are not ready with the facilities to match the increased flow of goods, it will have an impact.
Q: Is the money allocated for infrastructure in the final stimulus plan enough to meet President Obama's twin goals of job creation and infrastructure improvements?
A: What the president submitted to Congress was a pretty healthy package. But what came out of Congress was much lower. I don't see it generating the 3.6 million jobs the administration is striving toward.
Q: The Highway Trust Fund is up for reauthorization later this year in an environment where the motor fuel tax, the traditional mechanism for paying for infrastructure improvements, is bringing in less cash due to the economic downturn and the proliferation of more fuel-efficient vehicles. The major trucking groups advocate an increase in the federal fuel tax, which has remained at 18.4 cents per gallon since 1993. Others are promoting alternate approaches like a tax based on the number of miles that a vehicle travels. Where do you come down?
A: I don't believe the gasoline tax is a sustainable source of revenue for highway and transit construction as we have relied on it the past.
Q: Why?
A: Even with vehicle miles traveled going up, the total flow of funds into the highway trust fund is coming down. And, as you noted, this is due to significantly increased fuel efficiency of today's vehicles. I have said that, by the end of President Obama's second term, the majority of the cars will not be powered by gasoline. You have increasing ethanol use—right now, it may represent 10 to 12 percent of each gallon. But let's say it gets up to 60 percent. So look at the total picture. You will have more electric cars—you can't apply a gas tax to them. You will have greater use of ethanol, which means less gasoline consumed per gallon, so there is less to tax. Then you move into fuel cells powered by hydrogen—you can't apply a gas tax to that. We have to move away from the gas tax.
Q: What funding alternative would you support?
A: I think the "Vehicle Miles Traveled" program ought to be seriously considered. Even if you go to a VMT, you still have some form of tax. But the beauty of the VMT approach is that all you look at is how many miles you travel on the highway. It captures activity regardless of energy source.
Q: You ran DOT on 9/11, and in the years to follow you presided, along with the Department of Homeland Security, over the biggest ramp-up of transport security in the nation's history. Nearly eight years after the fact, are you comfortable saying that security has improved since 9/11?
A: My answer is a definite yes, though it would be hard to imagine, say, getting to a point where we can screen 100 percent of all ocean containers without compromising the speed and reliability of an intercontinental supply chain. If we can get to 85 percent screening, that would go a long way.
Q: But in screening air freight moving in the bellies of passenger planes, we are at 100 percent physical screening, albeit mandated by law?
A: I did not support that approach at the time it was being debated. To me, the idea of physically screening everything would be too costly and time consuming. The "known shipper" concept had a lot of merit when it was being implemented, and it still does. A combination of technological applications and the risk-based, known-shipper program is the ideal way to go.
Q: Like you, Secretary LaHood was a seasoned lawmaker chosen by the opposition party at the start of an administration to run DOT. Yet you had significant transportation experience going into the job, while he did not. Is that going to be a problem for him?
A: Ray LaHood was a great choice. He has a very close relationship with the president and chief of staff (Rahm Emanuel). He may be lacking in terms of getting into the weeds on specific issues, but he will surround himself with knowledgeable people and he is a quick study. He was also a member of the House Public Works and Transportation Committee, so he has had exposure to the issues.
Ray is widely respected on both sides of the aisle. That is important, because working with Congress is a critical part of that job.
Q: What are the biggest challenges facing those who work and depend on transportation and infrastructure?
A: The biggest challenge is finding a sustainable revenue source for infrastructure construction, operations, and maintenance. Another is working to improve productivity and reduce congestion on our freight corridors—and that means reintroducing intermodalism. We put a great deal of emphasis on intermodal in past reauthorization bills, and we have to get back to that. It stands to be an efficient and cost-effective way to move goods, and we can ill afford to give up hard-won productivity gains.
The other key challenge, which ties back to the first, is working to raise awareness of transportation issues and how they affect our lives. I have never understood why there has not been more attention and concern expressed by the public about transportation. Every form of economic activity is based on transportation. It impacts everybody every day, but unless there is a tragedy, people take transportation for granted.
After the collapse of the I-35W bridge in Minneapolis, (Rep. James) Oberstar (D-Minn.) proposed a 5-cent increase in the gasoline tax to fund bridge improvements. It took about 45 days to kill that proposal. I thought, "Holy cow, is the shelf life of a discussion of this magnitude only 45 days?"
Q: Looking back, what do you consider to be your greatest accomplishments and frustrations?
A: My greatest accomplishment was setting up the Transportation Security Administration, meeting the 36 mandates in the law creating the agency, and doing it within the prescribed time frame. The biggest mandate was establishing security operations at all U.S. commercial airports by Nov. 17, 2002. What many people don't realize is that, when completed, the TSA was the largest single mobilization of any workforce since World War II.
My biggest disappointment? In 2001, knowing the next highway reauthorization was set for 2003, we developed a six-year funding mechanism that called for a 2-cent-a-gallon gas tax increase in the first year, a 2-cent-a-gallon increase in the third year, and another 2-cent-a-gallon increase in the fifth year. As I recall, that would have been a $330 billion proposal and left us with a $7 billion unobligated trust fund balance after six years. We went to the Oval Office, and after we went through the entire presentation, President Bush takes a marker, circles the gas tax increases, and says, "Norm, I don't want any of those tax increases. Get those out."
So we went back and put a CPI inflator on the gas tax in the fifth year. Keep in mind that the gas tax had not been raised since 1993. We returned to the Oval Office, went through the presentation, and afterward President Bush said, "Norm, that's a tax increase. Get that out." So I then took all the unobligated surplus, left $1 billion in the highway trust fund, and used the balance to build a $267 billion surface transportation program that Congress finally passed in 2005. Not long after, the administration asked for an $8 billion infusion of general funds into the highway trust fund so it wouldn't be running a deficit by 2007.
Congestion on U.S. highways is costing the trucking industry big, according to research from the American Transportation Research Institute (ATRI), released today.
The group found that traffic congestion on U.S. highways added $108.8 billion in costs to the trucking industry in 2022, a record high. The information comes from ATRI’s Cost of Congestion study, which is part of the organization’s ongoing highway performance measurement research.
Total hours of congestion fell slightly compared to 2021 due to softening freight market conditions, but the cost of operating a truck increased at a much higher rate, according to the research. As a result, the overall cost of congestion increased by 15% year-over-year—a level equivalent to more than 430,000 commercial truck drivers sitting idle for one work year and an average cost of $7,588 for every registered combination truck.
The analysis also identified metropolitan delays and related impacts, showing that the top 10 most-congested states each experienced added costs of more than $8 billion. That list was led by Texas, at $9.17 billion in added costs; California, at $8.77 billion; and Florida, $8.44 billion. Rounding out the top 10 list were New York, Georgia, New Jersey, Illinois, Pennsylvania, Louisiana, and Tennessee. Combined, the top 10 states account for more than half of the trucking industry’s congestion costs nationwide—52%, according to the research.
The metro areas with the highest congestion costs include New York City, $6.68 billion; Miami, $3.2 billion; and Chicago, $3.14 billion.
ATRI’s analysis also found that the trucking industry wasted more than 6.4 billion gallons of diesel fuel in 2022 due to congestion, resulting in additional fuel costs of $32.1 billion.
ATRI used a combination of data sources, including its truck GPS database and Operational Costs study benchmarks, to calculate the impacts of trucking delays on major U.S. roadways.
There’s a photo from 1971 that John Kent, professor of supply chain management at the University of Arkansas, likes to show. It’s of a shaggy-haired 18-year-old named Glenn Cowan grinning at three-time world table tennis champion Zhuang Zedong, while holding a silk tapestry Zhuang had just given him. Cowan was a member of the U.S. table tennis team who participated in the 1971 World Table Tennis Championships in Nagoya, Japan. Story has it that one morning, he overslept and missed his bus to the tournament and had to hitch a ride with the Chinese national team and met and connected with Zhuang.
Cowan and Zhuang’s interaction led to an invitation for the U.S. team to visit China. At the time, the two countries were just beginning to emerge from a 20-year period of decidedly frosty relations, strict travel bans, and trade restrictions. The highly publicized trip signaled a willingness on both sides to renew relations and launched the term “pingpong diplomacy.”
Kent, who is a senior fellow at the George H. W. Bush Foundation for U.S.-China Relations, believes the photograph is a good reminder that some 50-odd years ago, the economies of the United States and China were not as tightly interwoven as they are today. At the time, the Nixon administration was looking to form closer political and economic ties between the two countries in hopes of reducing chances of future conflict (and to weaken alliances among Communist countries).
The signals coming out of Washington and Beijing are now, of course, much different than they were in the early 1970s. Instead of advocating for better relations, political rhetoric focuses on the need for the U.S. to “decouple” from China. Both Republicans and Democrats have warned that the U.S. economy is too dependent on goods manufactured in China. They see this dependency as a threat to economic strength, American jobs, supply chain resiliency, and national security.
Supply chain professionals, however, know that extricating ourselves from our reliance on Chinese manufacturing is easier said than done. Many pundits push for a “China + 1” strategy, where companies diversify their manufacturing and sourcing options beyond China. But in reality, that “plus one” is often a Chinese company operating in a different country or a non-Chinese manufacturer that is still heavily dependent on material or subcomponents made in China.
This is the problem when supply chain decisions are made on a global scale without input from supply chain professionals. In an article in the Arkansas Democrat-Gazette, Kent argues that, “The discussions on supply chains mainly take place between government officials who typically bring many other competing issues and agendas to the table. Corporate entities—the individuals and companies directly impacted by supply chains—tend to be under-represented in the conversation.”
Kent is a proponent of what he calls “supply chain diplomacy,” where experts from academia and industry from the U.S. and China work collaboratively to create better, more efficient global supply chains. Take, for example, the “Peace Beans” project that Kent is involved with. This project, jointly formed by Zhejiang University and the Bush China Foundation, proposes balancing supply chains by exporting soybeans from Arkansas to tofu producers in China’s Yunnan province, and, in return, importing coffee beans grown in Yunnan to coffee roasters in Arkansas. Kent believes the operation could even use the same transportation equipment.
The benefits of working collaboratively—instead of continuing to build friction in the supply chain through tariffs and adversarial relationships—are numerous, according to Kent and his colleagues. They believe it would be much better if the two major world economies worked together on issues like global inflation, climate change, and artificial intelligence.
And such relations could play a significant role in strengthening world peace, particularly in light of ongoing tensions over Taiwan. Because, as Kent writes, “The 19th-century idea that ‘When goods don’t cross borders, soldiers will’ is as true today as ever. Perhaps more so.”
Hyster-Yale Materials Handling today announced its plans to fulfill the domestic manufacturing requirements of the Build America, Buy America (BABA) Act for certain portions of its lineup of forklift trucks and container handling equipment.
That means the Greenville, North Carolina-based company now plans to expand its existing American manufacturing with a targeted set of high-capacity models, including electric options, that align with the needs of infrastructure projects subject to BABA requirements. The company’s plans include determining the optimal production location in the United States, strategically expanding sourcing agreements to meet local material requirements, and further developing electric power options for high-capacity equipment.
As a part of the 2021 Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act, the BABA Act aims to increase the use of American-made materials in federally funded infrastructure projects across the U.S., Hyster-Yale says. It was enacted as part of a broader effort to boost domestic manufacturing and economic growth, and mandates that federal dollars allocated to infrastructure – such as roads, bridges, ports and public transit systems – must prioritize materials produced in the USA, including critical items like steel, iron and various construction materials.
Hyster-Yale’s footprint in the U.S. is spread across 10 locations, including three manufacturing facilities.
“Our leadership is fully invested in meeting the needs of businesses that require BABA-compliant material handling solutions,” Tony Salgado, Hyster-Yale’s chief operating officer, said in a release. “We are working to partner with our key domestic suppliers, as well as identifying how best to leverage our own American manufacturing footprint to deliver a competitive solution for our customers and stakeholders. But beyond mere compliance, and in line with the many areas of our business where we are evolving to better support our customers, our commitment remains steadfast. We are dedicated to delivering industry-leading standards in design, durability and performance — qualities that have become synonymous with our brands worldwide and that our customers have come to rely on and expect.”
In a separate move, the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) also gave its approval for the state to advance its Heavy-Duty Omnibus Rule, which is crafted to significantly reduce smog-forming nitrogen oxide (NOx) emissions from new heavy-duty, diesel-powered trucks.
Both rules are intended to deliver health benefits to California citizens affected by vehicle pollution, according to the environmental group Earthjustice. If the state gets federal approval for the final steps to become law, the rules mean that cars on the road in California will largely be zero-emissions a generation from now in the 2050s, accounting for the average vehicle lifespan of vehicles with internal combustion engine (ICE) power sold before that 2035 date.
“This might read like checking a bureaucratic box, but EPA’s approval is a critical step forward in protecting our lungs from pollution and our wallets from the expenses of combustion fuels,” Paul Cort, director of Earthjustice’s Right To Zero campaign, said in a release. “The gradual shift in car sales to zero-emissions models will cut smog and household costs while growing California’s clean energy workforce. Cutting truck pollution will help clear our skies of smog. EPA should now approve the remaining authorization requests from California to allow the state to clean its air and protect its residents.”
However, the truck drivers' industry group Owner-Operator Independent Drivers Association (OOIDA) pushed back against the federal decision allowing the Omnibus Low-NOx rule to advance. "The Omnibus Low-NOx waiver for California calls into question the policymaking process under the Biden administration's EPA. Purposefully injecting uncertainty into a $588 billion American industry is bad for our economy and makes no meaningful progress towards purported environmental goals," (OOIDA) President Todd Spencer said in a release. "EPA's credibility outside of radical environmental circles would have been better served by working with regulated industries rather than ramming through last-minute special interest favors. We look forward to working with the Trump administration's EPA in good faith towards achievable environmental outcomes.”
Editor's note:This article was revised on December 18 to add reaction from OOIDA.
A Canadian startup that provides AI-powered logistics solutions has gained $5.5 million in seed funding to support its concept of creating a digital platform for global trade, according to Toronto-based Starboard.
The round was led by Eclipse, with participation from previous backers Garuda Ventures and Everywhere Ventures. The firm says it will use its new backing to expand its engineering team in Toronto and accelerate its AI-driven product development to simplify supply chain complexities.
According to Starboard, the logistics industry is under immense pressure to adapt to the growing complexity of global trade, which has hit recent hurdles such as the strike at U.S. east and gulf coast ports. That situation calls for innovative solutions to streamline operations and reduce costs for operators.
As a potential solution, Starboard offers its flagship product, which it defines as an AI-based transportation management system (TMS) and rate management system that helps mid-sized freight forwarders operate more efficiently and win more business. More broadly, Starboard says it is building the virtual infrastructure for global trade, allowing freight companies to leverage AI and machine learning to optimize operations such as processing shipments in real time, reconciling invoices, and following up on payments.
"This investment is a pivotal step in our mission to unlock the power of AI for our customers," said Sumeet Trehan, Co-Founder and CEO of Starboard. "Global trade has long been plagued by inefficiencies that drive up costs and reduce competitiveness. Our platform is designed to empower SMB freight forwarders—the backbone of more than $20 trillion in global trade and $1 trillion in logistics spend—with the tools they need to thrive in this complex ecosystem."