The future of RFID Is now at least a bit clearer. As a followup to their stunning announcement last June that Wal-Mart would require major suppliers to affix RFID tags (known as chips) to all incoming cases and pallets, Wal-Mart executives met with their top suppliers and some technology vendors last month to lay out their plans for rolling out RFID technology throughout their distribution network. Although Wal-Mart did not back off from its insistence that its biggest suppliers be ready to comply with its RFID mandate in 2005, it did scale back plans for the initial rollout, limiting it to a group of three Wal-Mart DCs in the Dallas area that serve about 150 stores. (The one exception is pharmaceutical companies that supply Wal-Mart pharmacies with narcotic drugs, which must be RFID-enabled by March 2004.)
For many vendors, the chance to get some details and ask questions helped allay anxieties. "It had reached almost mythical proportions for weeks," says Greg Gilbert, a product manager for Manhattan Associates, a large supply chain execution software company. "For suppliers, it was good to learn the exact size, scope and scale of the initiative."
Like Gilbert, Tom Coyle, vice president of supply chain solutions for Matrics Inc., a company that provides RFID tags, readers and related software, came away from the meeting convinced that Wal-Mart is moving ahead aggressively with its RFID initiative. Coyle says he was surprised to learn that many more than the 100 suppliers covered by the initial Wal-Mart mandate are launching efforts to comply with the RFID requirements.
But not everyone is convinced that the industry is ready to roll where RFID is concerned. Kara Romanow, a senior research analyst for AMR Research in Boston, contends that last month's meetings left a number of questions unanswered and caused additional confusion for some suppliers."[Wal-Mart] did scale back on its expectations," she says. "But I don't think everyone will make the deadline."
Romanow characterizes the Wal-Mart decision to begin implementation in a single region as both "good news and bad news" for suppliers. It's good news, she says, because consumer packaged goods (CPG) companies that sell to Wal-Mart won't have to deploy RFID systems quite as quickly as they had expected. The bad news is that it could create added work for suppliers that ship to Wal-Mart. Just how much work will depend on the type of distribution network a shipper has in place. Shippers that move goods into the targeted Dallas-area facilities out of a single regional DC will face no additional tasks. But those shipping from productspecific DCs in different parts of the country will have to segregate and tag freight bound for the target DCs. Romanow also questions whether the technology currently available can realistically meet Wal-Mart's demands and provide returns for businesses that make the substantial investment required. "The technology's not ready for prime time," she asserts.
Romanow insists that she's not skeptical about RFID technology in general. "It's not that I don't believe in the technology—it is a revolutionary vision and it will have a revolutionary impact," she says. "Wal-Mart is just pushing it too fast. They're a little unrealistic. That's OK. It gets things moving now rather than five years from now. The issue is what happens in January 2005 when some suppliers can't comply."
Cashing in on the chips
Though some may question the technology's readiness, it's clear that the game's afoot, and most observers agree that consumer goods companies have little time to waste. That's particularly true for businesses that are in the early stages of RFID implementation.
And it appears that a lot of companies are in those early stages. Coyle estimates that 80 percent of the company representatives who approached Matrics at a technology fair associated with the Wal-Mart meeting are still fairly new to the technology.
Though nobody expects this initiative to go off without a hitch—Mike Dempsey, an industry strategy leader for software maker RedPrairie, advises suppliers to hedge their bets by affixing both RFID tags and bar codes to their initial shipments—the earlier RFID adoption efforts get under way, the better. Coyle urges shippers to get going right away. "You need dedicated staff and a dedicated budget," he says. "You want to get to the action phase as soon as possible." Coyle cautions that it's more than a matter of sticking tags on pallets. "The whole purpose is to get visibility and be able to take corrective action," he says. "You need to figure out what you're going to do with the data you collect."
Romanow says she is urging her CPG clients to focus on their internal processes and systems rather than on the actual RFID technology. "The technology will resolve itself," she says. "The standards will resolve themselves." She suggests that businesses examine their current infrastructure and internal systems to find ways to get the maximum return on their RFID investment. "Figure out how you're going to leverage the [electronic product code] coming back from Wal-Mart," she urges. "If there's any ROI, that's where it's going to come from."
As anxious as suppliers may be for quick returns on their investment, ROI could prove elusive for many. Though costs are difficult to pin down because of wide variations among applications, Coyle says DCs can expect to spend $3,000 to $4,000 per read point and 30 to 40 cents per tag. Beyond that, many companies will also have to invest in middleware needed to link the RFID system with a WMS or ERP system.
Given the level of investment required, Coyle cautions buyers to investigate technology providers' claims carefully. "Ninety percent of what you hear is not valid," he says. "The only way to find the 10 percent is to see it in place." He suggests that managers visit companies that have already implemented the technology. "Look at the implementation, ask about the ROI, and get feedback from end users. You can only believe what you can see. Do the Missouri thing."
Congestion on U.S. highways is costing the trucking industry big, according to research from the American Transportation Research Institute (ATRI), released today.
The group found that traffic congestion on U.S. highways added $108.8 billion in costs to the trucking industry in 2022, a record high. The information comes from ATRI’s Cost of Congestion study, which is part of the organization’s ongoing highway performance measurement research.
Total hours of congestion fell slightly compared to 2021 due to softening freight market conditions, but the cost of operating a truck increased at a much higher rate, according to the research. As a result, the overall cost of congestion increased by 15% year-over-year—a level equivalent to more than 430,000 commercial truck drivers sitting idle for one work year and an average cost of $7,588 for every registered combination truck.
The analysis also identified metropolitan delays and related impacts, showing that the top 10 most-congested states each experienced added costs of more than $8 billion. That list was led by Texas, at $9.17 billion in added costs; California, at $8.77 billion; and Florida, $8.44 billion. Rounding out the top 10 list were New York, Georgia, New Jersey, Illinois, Pennsylvania, Louisiana, and Tennessee. Combined, the top 10 states account for more than half of the trucking industry’s congestion costs nationwide—52%, according to the research.
The metro areas with the highest congestion costs include New York City, $6.68 billion; Miami, $3.2 billion; and Chicago, $3.14 billion.
ATRI’s analysis also found that the trucking industry wasted more than 6.4 billion gallons of diesel fuel in 2022 due to congestion, resulting in additional fuel costs of $32.1 billion.
ATRI used a combination of data sources, including its truck GPS database and Operational Costs study benchmarks, to calculate the impacts of trucking delays on major U.S. roadways.
There’s a photo from 1971 that John Kent, professor of supply chain management at the University of Arkansas, likes to show. It’s of a shaggy-haired 18-year-old named Glenn Cowan grinning at three-time world table tennis champion Zhuang Zedong, while holding a silk tapestry Zhuang had just given him. Cowan was a member of the U.S. table tennis team who participated in the 1971 World Table Tennis Championships in Nagoya, Japan. Story has it that one morning, he overslept and missed his bus to the tournament and had to hitch a ride with the Chinese national team and met and connected with Zhuang.
Cowan and Zhuang’s interaction led to an invitation for the U.S. team to visit China. At the time, the two countries were just beginning to emerge from a 20-year period of decidedly frosty relations, strict travel bans, and trade restrictions. The highly publicized trip signaled a willingness on both sides to renew relations and launched the term “pingpong diplomacy.”
Kent, who is a senior fellow at the George H. W. Bush Foundation for U.S.-China Relations, believes the photograph is a good reminder that some 50-odd years ago, the economies of the United States and China were not as tightly interwoven as they are today. At the time, the Nixon administration was looking to form closer political and economic ties between the two countries in hopes of reducing chances of future conflict (and to weaken alliances among Communist countries).
The signals coming out of Washington and Beijing are now, of course, much different than they were in the early 1970s. Instead of advocating for better relations, political rhetoric focuses on the need for the U.S. to “decouple” from China. Both Republicans and Democrats have warned that the U.S. economy is too dependent on goods manufactured in China. They see this dependency as a threat to economic strength, American jobs, supply chain resiliency, and national security.
Supply chain professionals, however, know that extricating ourselves from our reliance on Chinese manufacturing is easier said than done. Many pundits push for a “China + 1” strategy, where companies diversify their manufacturing and sourcing options beyond China. But in reality, that “plus one” is often a Chinese company operating in a different country or a non-Chinese manufacturer that is still heavily dependent on material or subcomponents made in China.
This is the problem when supply chain decisions are made on a global scale without input from supply chain professionals. In an article in the Arkansas Democrat-Gazette, Kent argues that, “The discussions on supply chains mainly take place between government officials who typically bring many other competing issues and agendas to the table. Corporate entities—the individuals and companies directly impacted by supply chains—tend to be under-represented in the conversation.”
Kent is a proponent of what he calls “supply chain diplomacy,” where experts from academia and industry from the U.S. and China work collaboratively to create better, more efficient global supply chains. Take, for example, the “Peace Beans” project that Kent is involved with. This project, jointly formed by Zhejiang University and the Bush China Foundation, proposes balancing supply chains by exporting soybeans from Arkansas to tofu producers in China’s Yunnan province, and, in return, importing coffee beans grown in Yunnan to coffee roasters in Arkansas. Kent believes the operation could even use the same transportation equipment.
The benefits of working collaboratively—instead of continuing to build friction in the supply chain through tariffs and adversarial relationships—are numerous, according to Kent and his colleagues. They believe it would be much better if the two major world economies worked together on issues like global inflation, climate change, and artificial intelligence.
And such relations could play a significant role in strengthening world peace, particularly in light of ongoing tensions over Taiwan. Because, as Kent writes, “The 19th-century idea that ‘When goods don’t cross borders, soldiers will’ is as true today as ever. Perhaps more so.”
Hyster-Yale Materials Handling today announced its plans to fulfill the domestic manufacturing requirements of the Build America, Buy America (BABA) Act for certain portions of its lineup of forklift trucks and container handling equipment.
That means the Greenville, North Carolina-based company now plans to expand its existing American manufacturing with a targeted set of high-capacity models, including electric options, that align with the needs of infrastructure projects subject to BABA requirements. The company’s plans include determining the optimal production location in the United States, strategically expanding sourcing agreements to meet local material requirements, and further developing electric power options for high-capacity equipment.
As a part of the 2021 Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act, the BABA Act aims to increase the use of American-made materials in federally funded infrastructure projects across the U.S., Hyster-Yale says. It was enacted as part of a broader effort to boost domestic manufacturing and economic growth, and mandates that federal dollars allocated to infrastructure – such as roads, bridges, ports and public transit systems – must prioritize materials produced in the USA, including critical items like steel, iron and various construction materials.
Hyster-Yale’s footprint in the U.S. is spread across 10 locations, including three manufacturing facilities.
“Our leadership is fully invested in meeting the needs of businesses that require BABA-compliant material handling solutions,” Tony Salgado, Hyster-Yale’s chief operating officer, said in a release. “We are working to partner with our key domestic suppliers, as well as identifying how best to leverage our own American manufacturing footprint to deliver a competitive solution for our customers and stakeholders. But beyond mere compliance, and in line with the many areas of our business where we are evolving to better support our customers, our commitment remains steadfast. We are dedicated to delivering industry-leading standards in design, durability and performance — qualities that have become synonymous with our brands worldwide and that our customers have come to rely on and expect.”
In a separate move, the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) also gave its approval for the state to advance its Heavy-Duty Omnibus Rule, which is crafted to significantly reduce smog-forming nitrogen oxide (NOx) emissions from new heavy-duty, diesel-powered trucks.
Both rules are intended to deliver health benefits to California citizens affected by vehicle pollution, according to the environmental group Earthjustice. If the state gets federal approval for the final steps to become law, the rules mean that cars on the road in California will largely be zero-emissions a generation from now in the 2050s, accounting for the average vehicle lifespan of vehicles with internal combustion engine (ICE) power sold before that 2035 date.
“This might read like checking a bureaucratic box, but EPA’s approval is a critical step forward in protecting our lungs from pollution and our wallets from the expenses of combustion fuels,” Paul Cort, director of Earthjustice’s Right To Zero campaign, said in a release. “The gradual shift in car sales to zero-emissions models will cut smog and household costs while growing California’s clean energy workforce. Cutting truck pollution will help clear our skies of smog. EPA should now approve the remaining authorization requests from California to allow the state to clean its air and protect its residents.”
However, the truck drivers' industry group Owner-Operator Independent Drivers Association (OOIDA) pushed back against the federal decision allowing the Omnibus Low-NOx rule to advance. "The Omnibus Low-NOx waiver for California calls into question the policymaking process under the Biden administration's EPA. Purposefully injecting uncertainty into a $588 billion American industry is bad for our economy and makes no meaningful progress towards purported environmental goals," (OOIDA) President Todd Spencer said in a release. "EPA's credibility outside of radical environmental circles would have been better served by working with regulated industries rather than ramming through last-minute special interest favors. We look forward to working with the Trump administration's EPA in good faith towards achievable environmental outcomes.”
Editor's note:This article was revised on December 18 to add reaction from OOIDA.
Global trade will see a moderate rebound in 2025, likely growing by 3.6% in volume terms, helped by companies restocking and households renewing purchases of durable goods while reducing spending on services, according to a forecast from trade credit insurer Allianz Trade.
The end of the year for 2024 will also likely be supported by companies rushing to ship goods in anticipation of the higher tariffs likely to be imposed by the coming Trump administration, and other potential disruptions in the coming quarters, the report said.
However, that tailwind for global trade will likely shift to a headwind once the effects of a renewed but contained trade war are felt from the second half of 2025 and in full in 2026. As a result, Allianz Trade has throttled back its predictions, saying that global trade in volume will grow by 2.8% in 2025 (reduced by 0.2 percentage points vs. its previous forecast) and 2.3% in 2026 (reduced by 0.5 percentage points).
The same logic applies to Allianz Trade’s forecast for export prices in U.S. dollars, which the firm has now revised downward to predict growth reaching 2.3% in 2025 (reduced by 1.7 percentage points) and 4.1% in 2026 (reduced by 0.8 percentage points).
In the meantime, the rush to frontload imports into the U.S. is giving freight carriers an early Christmas present. According to Allianz Trade, data released last week showed Chinese exports rising by a robust 6.7% y/y in November. And imports of some consumer goods that have been threatened with a likely 25% tariff under the new Trump administration have outperformed even more, growing by nearly 20% y/y on average between July and September.