Barry Brandman is president of Danbee Investigations, a Midland Park, N.J., company that provides investigative, loss prevention and security consulting services to many of the top names in the logistics industry. He has been a guest speaker for the Department of Homeland Security, CSCMP, and WERC, and is the author of Security Best Practices: Protecting Your Distribution Center From Inventory Theft, Fraud, Substance Abuse, Cybercrime and Terrorism. You can reach him via e-mail at
or (201) 652-5500.
It had never experienced cargo theft, so the California distributor was shocked when two loaded containers vanished in broad daylight while parked in its yard. But to the outside team that was called in to investigate, things looked suspicious from the start. To begin with, the thieves knew which two trailers were fully loaded, even though 95 percent of the trailers stored in the yard were empty on the day in question. For another, the trailers stolen were only vulnerable for 90 minutes—they had been placed in the yard at approximately 2: 00 p.m. and were scheduled to be picked up between 3: 15 and 3: 30 p.m. Skeptical that outsiders with two available tractors had randomly stumbled across the two loaded containers within that small window of opportunity, the investigators were eventually able to persuade the company that it was the victim of an inside job. Subsequent investigations showed the theft had indeed been orchestrated by one of the company's own supervisors.
The distributor probably shouldn't have been surprised. Cargo theft—whether it's an inside job or a heist engineered by outsiders—has become one of the new growth industries. Industry experts now put the cost of cargo theft at $10 billion to $20 billion annually in the United States, up from an estimated $1 billion in the late '70s. As more trucks travel the nation's highways, criminals have discovered there's a fortune to be made by stealing what are essentially "warehouses on wheels." Lax security at many warehousing and transportation outfits means there's a low probability of being caught, and criminal penalties for cargo crime are extremely light. Small wonder so many criminals have realized it's far less risky to get caught with a truckload of stolen goods than a shipment of cocaine or heroin.
As the crooks become more organized and entrepreneurial, it's not unusual for product to be negotiated and sold before it's ever stolen. We've even seen cases in which shady dealers provide detailed shopping lists of what they want their operatives to steal. One day the list might include electronics, cosmetics, computers, fragrances and home entertainment equipment. On another, it might be cigarettes, jewelry, pharmaceuticals and food.
Though cargo theft was once the exclusive domain of established organized crime families, dozens of new cargo theft rings have sprung up across the United States in the past decade. Some steal unmanned trucks. Others go in for armed hijacking. Yet others devise sophisticated deception schemes. A trucker with bogus identification and paperwork recently showed up at a distribution center and picked up a container loaded with $80,000 worth of product. Neither the gate guard nor the dispatch office had any indication that they had been scammed until the real trucker showed up for the container later that day.
Of course, outsiders are not always to blame. Disappearances of trucks parked at storage facilities or diners (or even as the result of armed hijackings) are not always the outside jobs they appear to be. As the California distributor learned, many times these thefts are either set up or personally committed by employees (typically drivers working in collusion with shipping or receiving staff) or even by vendors or contractors.
Seven ways to play it safe
Whether they ship high-value goods or modestly priced commodities, companies understandably feel besieged from both without and within. I'm frequently asked to recommend steps they can take to protect their cargo.What follows is a list of some of the more effective safeguards:
Don't react passively to a loss! Once you've discovered a theft, have it thoroughly investigated rather than simply filing a police report or insurance claim. The knowledge that many victimized companies do not aggressively investigate has made cargo thieves increasingly brazen.
If you do business in states with high rates of cargo theft (such as New York, California and Florida), install global positioning system (GPS) technology in your vehicles. Newer versions of GPS will allow you to track your trucks to within 100 feet, provide two-way communication if a driver suspects he's being stalked, let drivers activate concealed duress buttons in armed hijackings, and provide geo-fencing notification if a vehicle detours off the assigned route.
Number the tops of trailers so that law enforcement can identify stolen containers via aerial surveillance.
Set up a toll-free tip-line program throughout your company.We've received dozens of calls on our anonymous hotline number that were instrumental not only in preventing theft, but also in apprehending the miscreants after cargo vanished.
Always stage high-value loaded containers in secured storage facilities.You can enhance security by installing digital camera systems that record activity 24 hours a day. Sophisticated video technology can also be interfaced with intrusion detection systems, allowing you to view the site from thousands of miles away.
If you direct ship from one facility to another, always use pre-numbered security seals to protect against the trucker's stealing product while in transit. However, it's important to remember that unless you consistently follow strict seal procedures, security seals can be circumvented by devious workers.
If you work with an outside trucking firm, establish minimum security standards. You want to be sure that they're doing enough proactively and that they will do the right thing if a theft occurs. Many companies assume that once they turn the goods over to an outside carrier, they no longer have to be concerned about cargo theft. That could be a costly assumption: As many shippers have learned to their sorrow, a carrier's certificate of insurance is no guarantee that their cargo is protected from theft. All too often, these policies contain exclusions that cover them for every contingency except the one that actually occurs.
Congestion on U.S. highways is costing the trucking industry big, according to research from the American Transportation Research Institute (ATRI), released today.
The group found that traffic congestion on U.S. highways added $108.8 billion in costs to the trucking industry in 2022, a record high. The information comes from ATRI’s Cost of Congestion study, which is part of the organization’s ongoing highway performance measurement research.
Total hours of congestion fell slightly compared to 2021 due to softening freight market conditions, but the cost of operating a truck increased at a much higher rate, according to the research. As a result, the overall cost of congestion increased by 15% year-over-year—a level equivalent to more than 430,000 commercial truck drivers sitting idle for one work year and an average cost of $7,588 for every registered combination truck.
The analysis also identified metropolitan delays and related impacts, showing that the top 10 most-congested states each experienced added costs of more than $8 billion. That list was led by Texas, at $9.17 billion in added costs; California, at $8.77 billion; and Florida, $8.44 billion. Rounding out the top 10 list were New York, Georgia, New Jersey, Illinois, Pennsylvania, Louisiana, and Tennessee. Combined, the top 10 states account for more than half of the trucking industry’s congestion costs nationwide—52%, according to the research.
The metro areas with the highest congestion costs include New York City, $6.68 billion; Miami, $3.2 billion; and Chicago, $3.14 billion.
ATRI’s analysis also found that the trucking industry wasted more than 6.4 billion gallons of diesel fuel in 2022 due to congestion, resulting in additional fuel costs of $32.1 billion.
ATRI used a combination of data sources, including its truck GPS database and Operational Costs study benchmarks, to calculate the impacts of trucking delays on major U.S. roadways.
There’s a photo from 1971 that John Kent, professor of supply chain management at the University of Arkansas, likes to show. It’s of a shaggy-haired 18-year-old named Glenn Cowan grinning at three-time world table tennis champion Zhuang Zedong, while holding a silk tapestry Zhuang had just given him. Cowan was a member of the U.S. table tennis team who participated in the 1971 World Table Tennis Championships in Nagoya, Japan. Story has it that one morning, he overslept and missed his bus to the tournament and had to hitch a ride with the Chinese national team and met and connected with Zhuang.
Cowan and Zhuang’s interaction led to an invitation for the U.S. team to visit China. At the time, the two countries were just beginning to emerge from a 20-year period of decidedly frosty relations, strict travel bans, and trade restrictions. The highly publicized trip signaled a willingness on both sides to renew relations and launched the term “pingpong diplomacy.”
Kent, who is a senior fellow at the George H. W. Bush Foundation for U.S.-China Relations, believes the photograph is a good reminder that some 50-odd years ago, the economies of the United States and China were not as tightly interwoven as they are today. At the time, the Nixon administration was looking to form closer political and economic ties between the two countries in hopes of reducing chances of future conflict (and to weaken alliances among Communist countries).
The signals coming out of Washington and Beijing are now, of course, much different than they were in the early 1970s. Instead of advocating for better relations, political rhetoric focuses on the need for the U.S. to “decouple” from China. Both Republicans and Democrats have warned that the U.S. economy is too dependent on goods manufactured in China. They see this dependency as a threat to economic strength, American jobs, supply chain resiliency, and national security.
Supply chain professionals, however, know that extricating ourselves from our reliance on Chinese manufacturing is easier said than done. Many pundits push for a “China + 1” strategy, where companies diversify their manufacturing and sourcing options beyond China. But in reality, that “plus one” is often a Chinese company operating in a different country or a non-Chinese manufacturer that is still heavily dependent on material or subcomponents made in China.
This is the problem when supply chain decisions are made on a global scale without input from supply chain professionals. In an article in the Arkansas Democrat-Gazette, Kent argues that, “The discussions on supply chains mainly take place between government officials who typically bring many other competing issues and agendas to the table. Corporate entities—the individuals and companies directly impacted by supply chains—tend to be under-represented in the conversation.”
Kent is a proponent of what he calls “supply chain diplomacy,” where experts from academia and industry from the U.S. and China work collaboratively to create better, more efficient global supply chains. Take, for example, the “Peace Beans” project that Kent is involved with. This project, jointly formed by Zhejiang University and the Bush China Foundation, proposes balancing supply chains by exporting soybeans from Arkansas to tofu producers in China’s Yunnan province, and, in return, importing coffee beans grown in Yunnan to coffee roasters in Arkansas. Kent believes the operation could even use the same transportation equipment.
The benefits of working collaboratively—instead of continuing to build friction in the supply chain through tariffs and adversarial relationships—are numerous, according to Kent and his colleagues. They believe it would be much better if the two major world economies worked together on issues like global inflation, climate change, and artificial intelligence.
And such relations could play a significant role in strengthening world peace, particularly in light of ongoing tensions over Taiwan. Because, as Kent writes, “The 19th-century idea that ‘When goods don’t cross borders, soldiers will’ is as true today as ever. Perhaps more so.”
Hyster-Yale Materials Handling today announced its plans to fulfill the domestic manufacturing requirements of the Build America, Buy America (BABA) Act for certain portions of its lineup of forklift trucks and container handling equipment.
That means the Greenville, North Carolina-based company now plans to expand its existing American manufacturing with a targeted set of high-capacity models, including electric options, that align with the needs of infrastructure projects subject to BABA requirements. The company’s plans include determining the optimal production location in the United States, strategically expanding sourcing agreements to meet local material requirements, and further developing electric power options for high-capacity equipment.
As a part of the 2021 Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act, the BABA Act aims to increase the use of American-made materials in federally funded infrastructure projects across the U.S., Hyster-Yale says. It was enacted as part of a broader effort to boost domestic manufacturing and economic growth, and mandates that federal dollars allocated to infrastructure – such as roads, bridges, ports and public transit systems – must prioritize materials produced in the USA, including critical items like steel, iron and various construction materials.
Hyster-Yale’s footprint in the U.S. is spread across 10 locations, including three manufacturing facilities.
“Our leadership is fully invested in meeting the needs of businesses that require BABA-compliant material handling solutions,” Tony Salgado, Hyster-Yale’s chief operating officer, said in a release. “We are working to partner with our key domestic suppliers, as well as identifying how best to leverage our own American manufacturing footprint to deliver a competitive solution for our customers and stakeholders. But beyond mere compliance, and in line with the many areas of our business where we are evolving to better support our customers, our commitment remains steadfast. We are dedicated to delivering industry-leading standards in design, durability and performance — qualities that have become synonymous with our brands worldwide and that our customers have come to rely on and expect.”
In a separate move, the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) also gave its approval for the state to advance its Heavy-Duty Omnibus Rule, which is crafted to significantly reduce smog-forming nitrogen oxide (NOx) emissions from new heavy-duty, diesel-powered trucks.
Both rules are intended to deliver health benefits to California citizens affected by vehicle pollution, according to the environmental group Earthjustice. If the state gets federal approval for the final steps to become law, the rules mean that cars on the road in California will largely be zero-emissions a generation from now in the 2050s, accounting for the average vehicle lifespan of vehicles with internal combustion engine (ICE) power sold before that 2035 date.
“This might read like checking a bureaucratic box, but EPA’s approval is a critical step forward in protecting our lungs from pollution and our wallets from the expenses of combustion fuels,” Paul Cort, director of Earthjustice’s Right To Zero campaign, said in a release. “The gradual shift in car sales to zero-emissions models will cut smog and household costs while growing California’s clean energy workforce. Cutting truck pollution will help clear our skies of smog. EPA should now approve the remaining authorization requests from California to allow the state to clean its air and protect its residents.”
However, the truck drivers' industry group Owner-Operator Independent Drivers Association (OOIDA) pushed back against the federal decision allowing the Omnibus Low-NOx rule to advance. "The Omnibus Low-NOx waiver for California calls into question the policymaking process under the Biden administration's EPA. Purposefully injecting uncertainty into a $588 billion American industry is bad for our economy and makes no meaningful progress towards purported environmental goals," (OOIDA) President Todd Spencer said in a release. "EPA's credibility outside of radical environmental circles would have been better served by working with regulated industries rather than ramming through last-minute special interest favors. We look forward to working with the Trump administration's EPA in good faith towards achievable environmental outcomes.”
Editor's note:This article was revised on December 18 to add reaction from OOIDA.
Global trade will see a moderate rebound in 2025, likely growing by 3.6% in volume terms, helped by companies restocking and households renewing purchases of durable goods while reducing spending on services, according to a forecast from trade credit insurer Allianz Trade.
The end of the year for 2024 will also likely be supported by companies rushing to ship goods in anticipation of the higher tariffs likely to be imposed by the coming Trump administration, and other potential disruptions in the coming quarters, the report said.
However, that tailwind for global trade will likely shift to a headwind once the effects of a renewed but contained trade war are felt from the second half of 2025 and in full in 2026. As a result, Allianz Trade has throttled back its predictions, saying that global trade in volume will grow by 2.8% in 2025 (reduced by 0.2 percentage points vs. its previous forecast) and 2.3% in 2026 (reduced by 0.5 percentage points).
The same logic applies to Allianz Trade’s forecast for export prices in U.S. dollars, which the firm has now revised downward to predict growth reaching 2.3% in 2025 (reduced by 1.7 percentage points) and 4.1% in 2026 (reduced by 0.8 percentage points).
In the meantime, the rush to frontload imports into the U.S. is giving freight carriers an early Christmas present. According to Allianz Trade, data released last week showed Chinese exports rising by a robust 6.7% y/y in November. And imports of some consumer goods that have been threatened with a likely 25% tariff under the new Trump administration have outperformed even more, growing by nearly 20% y/y on average between July and September.