You may think you have supply chain security worries now … and with some cause. As the government seeks to foil terrorists intent on smuggling radioactive, explosive or biologically hazardous materials in the bellies of aircraft, on ships' decks or secreted in trailers and railcars, it's trained its spotlights on the shippers that own the cargo and the carriers that move it. Importing and exporting takes longer today than it did two years ago, and costs have soared. But the worst may be yet to come.
In a post-Sept. 11 world, the U.S. government needs to ensure that its transportation systems aren't being used as a vehicle for terrorism. That's no small task. In 2002, according to the World Shipping Council, around 202,800 U.S. importers received goods from more than 178,200 foreign exporters via ocean liner shipping. On average, something like $1.4 billion worth of goods are moved through U.S. ports every day, most of it in shipping containers—6 million a year. At the same time, U.S. airlines are moving around 22 billion ton-miles of freight annually.At any given hour, 61,000 people are airborne over the United States. There's no way of making all of that 100 percent safe any time soon—45 pounds of Semtex fits in the trunk of a car and can blow the front off a three-story building. Securing the international supply chain, or even just the bit of it that snakes through the United States, is a tall order. But then, some argue, so was eradicating smallpox.
Over the last two years, the U.S. and other governments have started to implement what they hope are solutions—an intimidating array of international initiatives known mostly by their acronyms. To name but a few, there's the Container Security Initiative (CSI), the Advance Manifest Rule (AMR), Smart & Secure Trade Lanes (SST), the Customs-Trade Partnership Against Terrorism (C-TPAT), the U.S. Customs' Automated Targeting System (ATS) and the International Maritime Organization's International Ship and Port Security Code (the IMO ISPS Code)—some of them voluntary, most mandatory. And if you think that all this is the transportation companies' problem, think again. Although the U.S. authorities are currently concentrating on ship and port security, cargo security is next on the docket and legislation about to go into force could affect you soon.
Take the ISPS Code, for example. The U.S. version of it, the Maritime Transportation Security Act, was introduced in 2002, and its requirements will be enforced beginning on July 1 of this year. Under the act, all U.S. ports and all ships visiting U.S. ports must have trained their staff in awareness, drawn up a security assessment document that includes plans for responding to a terrorist emergency, and have had those plans assessed and approved by the U.S.Coast Guard. Failure to do so will result in their being turned away, in the case of a ship, or locked down completely, in the case of a port.
That may sound like the carriers' problem, but it will most assuredly become your problem as well. For one thing, ocean shipping will cost more. Adrian Gonzalez, supply chain analyst at ARC Advisory Group in Dedham, Mass., reckons compliance will cost carriers some $1 billion in the first year and $4 billion over the next five years. It's a given that carriers will pass these costs on to their customers.
But the more immediate problem is the threat of delays. Even if the carriers and the ports you use are fully ISPS compliant, your cargo could still be held up. Christopher Koch, president and CEO of the World Shipping Council, brought this up during his testimony before the Senate Committee on Commerce, Science and Transportation on March 24. What will the U.S. Coast Guard do if an ISPScompliant vessel has called at a non-compliant port on its way to an ISPS-compliant U.S. port? That issue remains unresolved, he pointed out. "Vessels calling between such ports and the cargo on those vessels are caught in the middle," said Koch. "It is not yet clear what a vessel can expect in those situations."
Earl Agron, director of port and container security for APL Ltd., based in Oakland, Calif., shares Koch's concerns. "Authorities are reluctant to share any details because they don't want to let anyone off the hook," says Agron. "That's vessel related, but another question is: What happens to cargo that comes from a non-compliant port?"
Koch's feeling is that, at the very least, such cargo would be held up for inspection. Partly, it's about politics, and the tricky business of the United States' imposing security standards on the rest of the world. "While the government may be highly reluctant to stop trade with such countries [that have non-ISPS compliant facilities], we expect it is likely to undertake measures designed to impose pressure on such ports and governments to comply, and those consequences may become more substantial as time passes and the government becomes less tolerant of foreign ports that are not compliant with the Code," Koch said.
Naming names
If the image of a tightening noose comes to mind here— one that's putting a stranglehold on your supply chain— brace yourself. There's more to come. Another international program, the Container Security Initiative—designed to foster cooperation between trading countries in allowing U.S. officers to screen cargo in foreign ports—is still in its infancy, with details yet to be spelled out. But you can be sure there will be shipper involvement somewhere.
Meanwhile, U.S. Customs is wrestling with the problem of what actually constitutes a "shipper" for the purposes of ATS security screening, and whether the 14 cargo manifest data elements currently required are sufficient for the security task at hand. Koch describes this as a "significant pending question," and one that affects importers directly. One way or another, whether or not such information appears on a bill of lading, the U.S. authorities want the names of the original vendors, suppliers and manufacturers for all cargo. Koch urged the Senate Committee to recognize that this information is not the responsibility of the carriers but of the importers. Although importers provide much of this info to the Customs data system in the merchandise entry process, it's not currently filed before vessel loading and is therefore of no use to ATS, Koch said. He warned that importers should expect the equivalent of the Advance Manifest Rule under which carriers have to file cargo information 24 hours before the ship sails from a foreign port, bound for the United States.
"There is in fact an overarching and broader question that underlies this issue and the effort to make ATS as effective a cargo security screening system as possible, namely: What information does the government need, from whom, when, and filed into what information system?" Koch said. That raises yet another question: If importers will be required to provide extensive and detailed lists about their foreign vendors, do they want that information broadly distributed via carrier manifests, where competitors might see it? It's virtually certain that all these questions will be addressed in the next year or so, and they will directly affect U.S. importers.
Getting ready
What to do? Gonzalez and others have some suggestions for shippers that want to secure their supply chains as well as prepare for the future. Gonzalez says the first thing to do is appoint a chief security officer, today, and establish a team with members from the full range of company departments.
He also suggests joining voluntary security programs, notably C-TPAT, which will help get you thinking about security issues. To obtain C-TPAT accreditation, you have to convince Customs that you have rigorous security measures in force along your entire supply chain. That takes time, but it cuts the risk that your containers will be singled out for costly and time-consuming inspections. (Bob Perez, director of the C-TPAT program, says Customs now inspects around 6 percent of all containers entering the United States, and 100 percent of those considered "high risk.") Alan Hicks, director of business development and governmental policy at P&O Nedlloyd North America, based in East Rutherford, N.J., also endorses C-TPAT. "[C-TPAT] gets flak for being a voluntary program and having no teeth but it's made people aware of the risk and it's been hugely successful in that regard,"Hicks says. "Making people aware of the risk is the single most important weapon we have, having people looking in terms of the normal course of business saying: this doesn't look right."
Third, Gonzalez suggests you incorporate trade security requirements into your vendor and carrier qualification processes, and ask your existing vendors and carriers to comply with them as well. Furthermore, you should investigate the technology being developed to guard cargo once it leaves your loading dock—smart seals for containers, RFID and satellite tracking systems. Keep in mind you'll also need software to help you trawl through tracking data. "You have to worry about the database management and software applications," says Agron. "Very few companies are investing a lot of time on the application side."
Software capable of automatically separating the security wheat from the chaff is going to be increasingly crucial as shippers and carriers install more smart tags on cargo—whether they're passive or active RFID chips, or GPS tags that can send out messages about position and status to earthcircling satellites. It might appear that an ideal solution to the cargo security problem would be to tag every one of the world's 12 million to 15 million containers in active use with a whiz-bang transmitting device. But, Agron points out, that would result in a flood of information of biblical proportions. Ten million containers sending out signals once an hour would produce a quarter of a billion messages a day to be evaluated, swamping the receivers' systems.
Others urge shippers to get involved in the ongoing legislative process. Hicks at P&O echoes the sentiments of many when he says he's found working with the U.S. Coast Guard and Customs on a voluntary basis has led to a lot of useful debate. For example, he says, the authorities have already backed down on a requirement that advance manifest information be sent for empty containers on ships. Koch and the World Shipping Council, among other trade groups, also made Customs back off from a proposal to make the carrier responsible for naming parties other than the one that had contracted for the transportation service as the cargo's responsible "shipper." Importers should be getting involved too, lobbying national and international representatives, and participating in shipper groups. The Toy Association of America is one that's particularly active in this regard. Barry O'Brien, its chairman, announced at a security panel at a conference in Cleveland in March that he intended to pool the accreditation and inspection of all toy manufacturers in China used by Toy Shippers Association Inc. members in order to cut down on duplicate effort (and expenditure), and is working with the Toy Association of China to make that happen. Other vertical industries should take note. Importers are increasingly going to have to provide information about their business partners abroad. Starting now, and pooling resources to do so, is simply good supply chain policy.
Lastly, don't confuse supply chain efficiency with supply chain security. For example, with RFID tags, there's been no clear industry distinction so far between that technology's uses for container security and for supply chain management objectives. "These are not trivial issues," said Koch. "The issues, the challenges and the requirements involved in addressing the two are not the same. The purposes and the use are not the same. A failure to clearly distinguish between security requirements and commercial supply chain management objectives will create confusion; will impede progress on these issues; and may in fact create significant security vulnerabilities."
Congestion on U.S. highways is costing the trucking industry big, according to research from the American Transportation Research Institute (ATRI), released today.
The group found that traffic congestion on U.S. highways added $108.8 billion in costs to the trucking industry in 2022, a record high. The information comes from ATRI’s Cost of Congestion study, which is part of the organization’s ongoing highway performance measurement research.
Total hours of congestion fell slightly compared to 2021 due to softening freight market conditions, but the cost of operating a truck increased at a much higher rate, according to the research. As a result, the overall cost of congestion increased by 15% year-over-year—a level equivalent to more than 430,000 commercial truck drivers sitting idle for one work year and an average cost of $7,588 for every registered combination truck.
The analysis also identified metropolitan delays and related impacts, showing that the top 10 most-congested states each experienced added costs of more than $8 billion. That list was led by Texas, at $9.17 billion in added costs; California, at $8.77 billion; and Florida, $8.44 billion. Rounding out the top 10 list were New York, Georgia, New Jersey, Illinois, Pennsylvania, Louisiana, and Tennessee. Combined, the top 10 states account for more than half of the trucking industry’s congestion costs nationwide—52%, according to the research.
The metro areas with the highest congestion costs include New York City, $6.68 billion; Miami, $3.2 billion; and Chicago, $3.14 billion.
ATRI’s analysis also found that the trucking industry wasted more than 6.4 billion gallons of diesel fuel in 2022 due to congestion, resulting in additional fuel costs of $32.1 billion.
ATRI used a combination of data sources, including its truck GPS database and Operational Costs study benchmarks, to calculate the impacts of trucking delays on major U.S. roadways.
There’s a photo from 1971 that John Kent, professor of supply chain management at the University of Arkansas, likes to show. It’s of a shaggy-haired 18-year-old named Glenn Cowan grinning at three-time world table tennis champion Zhuang Zedong, while holding a silk tapestry Zhuang had just given him. Cowan was a member of the U.S. table tennis team who participated in the 1971 World Table Tennis Championships in Nagoya, Japan. Story has it that one morning, he overslept and missed his bus to the tournament and had to hitch a ride with the Chinese national team and met and connected with Zhuang.
Cowan and Zhuang’s interaction led to an invitation for the U.S. team to visit China. At the time, the two countries were just beginning to emerge from a 20-year period of decidedly frosty relations, strict travel bans, and trade restrictions. The highly publicized trip signaled a willingness on both sides to renew relations and launched the term “pingpong diplomacy.”
Kent, who is a senior fellow at the George H. W. Bush Foundation for U.S.-China Relations, believes the photograph is a good reminder that some 50-odd years ago, the economies of the United States and China were not as tightly interwoven as they are today. At the time, the Nixon administration was looking to form closer political and economic ties between the two countries in hopes of reducing chances of future conflict (and to weaken alliances among Communist countries).
The signals coming out of Washington and Beijing are now, of course, much different than they were in the early 1970s. Instead of advocating for better relations, political rhetoric focuses on the need for the U.S. to “decouple” from China. Both Republicans and Democrats have warned that the U.S. economy is too dependent on goods manufactured in China. They see this dependency as a threat to economic strength, American jobs, supply chain resiliency, and national security.
Supply chain professionals, however, know that extricating ourselves from our reliance on Chinese manufacturing is easier said than done. Many pundits push for a “China + 1” strategy, where companies diversify their manufacturing and sourcing options beyond China. But in reality, that “plus one” is often a Chinese company operating in a different country or a non-Chinese manufacturer that is still heavily dependent on material or subcomponents made in China.
This is the problem when supply chain decisions are made on a global scale without input from supply chain professionals. In an article in the Arkansas Democrat-Gazette, Kent argues that, “The discussions on supply chains mainly take place between government officials who typically bring many other competing issues and agendas to the table. Corporate entities—the individuals and companies directly impacted by supply chains—tend to be under-represented in the conversation.”
Kent is a proponent of what he calls “supply chain diplomacy,” where experts from academia and industry from the U.S. and China work collaboratively to create better, more efficient global supply chains. Take, for example, the “Peace Beans” project that Kent is involved with. This project, jointly formed by Zhejiang University and the Bush China Foundation, proposes balancing supply chains by exporting soybeans from Arkansas to tofu producers in China’s Yunnan province, and, in return, importing coffee beans grown in Yunnan to coffee roasters in Arkansas. Kent believes the operation could even use the same transportation equipment.
The benefits of working collaboratively—instead of continuing to build friction in the supply chain through tariffs and adversarial relationships—are numerous, according to Kent and his colleagues. They believe it would be much better if the two major world economies worked together on issues like global inflation, climate change, and artificial intelligence.
And such relations could play a significant role in strengthening world peace, particularly in light of ongoing tensions over Taiwan. Because, as Kent writes, “The 19th-century idea that ‘When goods don’t cross borders, soldiers will’ is as true today as ever. Perhaps more so.”
Hyster-Yale Materials Handling today announced its plans to fulfill the domestic manufacturing requirements of the Build America, Buy America (BABA) Act for certain portions of its lineup of forklift trucks and container handling equipment.
That means the Greenville, North Carolina-based company now plans to expand its existing American manufacturing with a targeted set of high-capacity models, including electric options, that align with the needs of infrastructure projects subject to BABA requirements. The company’s plans include determining the optimal production location in the United States, strategically expanding sourcing agreements to meet local material requirements, and further developing electric power options for high-capacity equipment.
As a part of the 2021 Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act, the BABA Act aims to increase the use of American-made materials in federally funded infrastructure projects across the U.S., Hyster-Yale says. It was enacted as part of a broader effort to boost domestic manufacturing and economic growth, and mandates that federal dollars allocated to infrastructure – such as roads, bridges, ports and public transit systems – must prioritize materials produced in the USA, including critical items like steel, iron and various construction materials.
Hyster-Yale’s footprint in the U.S. is spread across 10 locations, including three manufacturing facilities.
“Our leadership is fully invested in meeting the needs of businesses that require BABA-compliant material handling solutions,” Tony Salgado, Hyster-Yale’s chief operating officer, said in a release. “We are working to partner with our key domestic suppliers, as well as identifying how best to leverage our own American manufacturing footprint to deliver a competitive solution for our customers and stakeholders. But beyond mere compliance, and in line with the many areas of our business where we are evolving to better support our customers, our commitment remains steadfast. We are dedicated to delivering industry-leading standards in design, durability and performance — qualities that have become synonymous with our brands worldwide and that our customers have come to rely on and expect.”
In a separate move, the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) also gave its approval for the state to advance its Heavy-Duty Omnibus Rule, which is crafted to significantly reduce smog-forming nitrogen oxide (NOx) emissions from new heavy-duty, diesel-powered trucks.
Both rules are intended to deliver health benefits to California citizens affected by vehicle pollution, according to the environmental group Earthjustice. If the state gets federal approval for the final steps to become law, the rules mean that cars on the road in California will largely be zero-emissions a generation from now in the 2050s, accounting for the average vehicle lifespan of vehicles with internal combustion engine (ICE) power sold before that 2035 date.
“This might read like checking a bureaucratic box, but EPA’s approval is a critical step forward in protecting our lungs from pollution and our wallets from the expenses of combustion fuels,” Paul Cort, director of Earthjustice’s Right To Zero campaign, said in a release. “The gradual shift in car sales to zero-emissions models will cut smog and household costs while growing California’s clean energy workforce. Cutting truck pollution will help clear our skies of smog. EPA should now approve the remaining authorization requests from California to allow the state to clean its air and protect its residents.”
However, the truck drivers' industry group Owner-Operator Independent Drivers Association (OOIDA) pushed back against the federal decision allowing the Omnibus Low-NOx rule to advance. "The Omnibus Low-NOx waiver for California calls into question the policymaking process under the Biden administration's EPA. Purposefully injecting uncertainty into a $588 billion American industry is bad for our economy and makes no meaningful progress towards purported environmental goals," (OOIDA) President Todd Spencer said in a release. "EPA's credibility outside of radical environmental circles would have been better served by working with regulated industries rather than ramming through last-minute special interest favors. We look forward to working with the Trump administration's EPA in good faith towards achievable environmental outcomes.”
Editor's note:This article was revised on December 18 to add reaction from OOIDA.
A Canadian startup that provides AI-powered logistics solutions has gained $5.5 million in seed funding to support its concept of creating a digital platform for global trade, according to Toronto-based Starboard.
The round was led by Eclipse, with participation from previous backers Garuda Ventures and Everywhere Ventures. The firm says it will use its new backing to expand its engineering team in Toronto and accelerate its AI-driven product development to simplify supply chain complexities.
According to Starboard, the logistics industry is under immense pressure to adapt to the growing complexity of global trade, which has hit recent hurdles such as the strike at U.S. east and gulf coast ports. That situation calls for innovative solutions to streamline operations and reduce costs for operators.
As a potential solution, Starboard offers its flagship product, which it defines as an AI-based transportation management system (TMS) and rate management system that helps mid-sized freight forwarders operate more efficiently and win more business. More broadly, Starboard says it is building the virtual infrastructure for global trade, allowing freight companies to leverage AI and machine learning to optimize operations such as processing shipments in real time, reconciling invoices, and following up on payments.
"This investment is a pivotal step in our mission to unlock the power of AI for our customers," said Sumeet Trehan, Co-Founder and CEO of Starboard. "Global trade has long been plagued by inefficiencies that drive up costs and reduce competitiveness. Our platform is designed to empower SMB freight forwarders—the backbone of more than $20 trillion in global trade and $1 trillion in logistics spend—with the tools they need to thrive in this complex ecosystem."