Peter Bradley is an award-winning career journalist with more than three decades of experience in both newspapers and national business magazines. His credentials include seven years as the transportation and supply chain editor at Purchasing Magazine and six years as the chief editor of Logistics Management.
In the bustling Indonesian seaport of Surabaya, a truck driver with ties to al Qaeda turns into an alley and backs his rig up to a nondescript warehouse. His cohorts pry open the door of a container filled with designer sneakers and thrust a lead-shielded dirty bomb inside. The driver heads for the dock, where the container is loaded on a feeder vessel for the first leg of its voyage to the United States.
Some weeks later, the Chicago-bound container enters North America via the Port of Vancouver. Noting that it originates from a company that has joined the Customs-Trade Partnership Against Terrorism, U.S. Customs inspectors at the port wave the container through without inspection. It's loaded directly on a railcar for movement to a Chicago distribution center (the dirty bomb's lead shield prevents detection by the radiation pOréals deployed along the U.S.-Canadian border). When workers at the DC go to open the container, a device on the door triggers a violent explosion, releasing a cloud of industrial-grade radioactive material in the process.
That's the scenario that keeps Stephen E. Flynn awake at night. It may be a hypothetical account, Flynn said in testimony to the House Armed Services Committee this spring, but it's nonetheless plausible. That grim scenario is also what compels Flynn, a retired Coast Guard commander and senior fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR), to spend his days trying to convey the urgency of the port security problem to Congress and the American public.
Five years after the World Trade Center attacks, U.S. ports remain a security risk. Just about everyone who deals with security issues agrees on that. As a nation, we have yet to come up with an effective means of protecting our seaports, some of which are secured by nothing more than a chain-link fence. Perhaps more to the point, we have yet to find a way to ensure that none of the millions of containers entering the country each year harbors chemical, radiological, biological or nuclear weapons.
While everyone agrees port security is important, there's little consensus on what it will take to prevent terrorists from smuggling a dirty bomb into the country via an ocean container. Or how effective security programs implemented over the last five years have been. Or how to secure the vital cooperation of other nations. In the meantime, the debate continues. In fact, the issue of port security came to the fore just recently. In late September, Congress passed the SAFE Port Act of 2006, which among other measures, increased federal funding for port security, mandated nuclear and radiological container screening at 22 ports, and launched cargo-scanning pilot programs at overseas ports.
Are we safe yet?
If security efforts have fallen short, it's certainly not for lack of trying. In the last five years, the U.S. government, international organizations and the private sector have all taken steps to boost security. Ports have spent millions of dollars on security upgrades. Congress has passed legislation aimed at protecting U.S. ports and waterways from terrorist attacks, including the 2002 Maritime Transportation Security Act (MTSA). The International Maritime Organization has adopted security requirements for its 159 participating governments, which have now been codified as the International Ship and Port Facility Code (ISPS). And U.S. Customs and Border Protection (CBP) has established the Customs-Trade Partnership Against Terrorism (C-TPAT), a strategic plan aimed at getting U.S. companies to police their own supply chains.
But their efforts have met with decidedly mixed reviews.
Port executives would argue that the nation has made headway. In a statement last month on the eve of its annual meeting, the American Association of Port Authorities said, "In the nearly five years since 9/11, America's seaports and the federal government have joined forces to make major gains in fortifying and hardening port facilities against intruder attack. With the combined efforts of public ports, initiatives of federal agencies within the Department of Homeland Security such as the U.S. Coast Guard and Customs and Border Protection (CBP), ports are significantly safer now than prior to 9/11."
The CBP hews to the party line as well. Last spring, Deborah Spero, who was acting commissioner of CBP, told those attending CBP's C-TPAT conference, "Together, we have worked to strengthen the global trading systems and have made our nation's cargo more secure. And the result is that America is safer."
Others, however, have reservations. That became clear from a report released last month by the Lyndon B. Johnson School of Public Affairs at the University of Texas. Conducted for the Congressional Research Service, the study, titled "Port and Supply Chain Initiatives in the United States and Abroad," examined port and supply chain security initiatives around the world. Though the report did not attempt to assess the efficacy of the programs, it did present viewpoints critical of the existing security initiatives. "Our research found an abundance of conflicting views on both ISPS and its domestic counterpart, MTSA," the report said. MTSA, according to critics, does not address real security risks while substantially increasing the workloads of port security officers. ISPS also came in for criticism much of it centered on its implementation, which was termed inconsistent at best.
Targeting the supply chain
The mixed reviews in the LBJ study, though, appear positively optimistic compared to the grim perspective offered by Flynn, who is one of the foremost critics of port security policy. In his testimony this spring, Flynn was blunt in his assessment of the state of port security. "[T]he security measures currently in place do not provide an effective deterrent for a determined terrorist organization intent on exploiting or targeting the maritime transportation system to strike at the United States," he told the committee. (Flynn's testimony is taken from a transcript on the CFR Web site. He could not be reached for comment.)
And the heart of the problem, he contends, is the supply chain. "[T]he threat is not so much tied to seaports as it is to global supply chains that now operate largely on an honor system because the standards are so nominal and the capacity for agencies like the Coast Guard and Customs is negligible," he said. "Based on my experience and research on this issue for nearly 15 years, I believe that the greatest vulnerability that will involve the maritime sector and our seaports is overseas within the transportation system before a container reaches a loading port."
Flynn went on to say that if something like his hypothetical dirty bomb scenario did occur, the consequences would go well beyond the mayhem caused by the explosion. It would also shake the American public's faith in the risk-management system currently in place. "All the current container and port security initiatives would be compromised by the incident," he said. "There will be overwhelming political pressure to move from a 5-percent [container] inspection rate to a 100-percent inspection rate, effectively shutting down the flow of commerce at and within our borders."
But that can all be avoided, he said. With international cooperation, the security problem can be solved. What's required, he said, is a program of mandatory cargo scanning. To that end, Flynn urged U.S. authorities to work closely with overseas terminal operators to create a system that scans every container destined for the United States before it leaves a loading port.
The scan debate
Is something that ambitious possible? Technologically, maybe. For the past two years, the Port of Hong Kong has scanned every single container entering two of its terminals, which are among the world's busiest. The Integrated Container Inspection System, sponsored by the Hong Kong Container Terminal Operators Association, uses three types of imaging to screen trucks and containers. As the vehicles pass through two giant pOréals, they're first scanned for radioactivity. They then undergo gamma ray scanning to generate a radiographic image of the container's contents and optical character scanning to read the container's ID number so it can be checked against cargo manifest data.
Would it work here? Flynn believes it would. He told the committee that four terminal operating companies handle 80 percent of the containers headed for the United States, and that if they imposed a fee of $20 per container, it would pay for installing and operating a scanning system worldwide.
But winning cooperation from widely divergent port operations will be no easy task. For one thing, many overseas players already resent what they see as heavyhanded attempts to secure their cooperation with U.S.-centric port security initiatives. In interviews with port officials around the world, researchers for the LBJ study heard complaints that U.S. security initiatives were being forced on other nations. And for many overseas ports, security simply isn't the top priority. "One of the most striking findings ... is the fundamental incongruity between the maritime security priorities of the U.S. and those of other countries," the report said. Terrorism was not a primary security concern for any of the port officials interviewed, who were much more focused on smuggling, fraud and human trafficking.
Even on the home front, the notion of 100-percent scanning has many opponents, including a number of shippers. In a letter urging Sen. Susan Collins, chair of the Homeland Security and Government Affairs Committee, to oppose any legislation requiring the scanning of all U.S.-bound containers, Sandy Kennedy, president of the Retail Industry Leaders Association, argued that 100-percent scanning would "impose immense costs on our economy and foreign relations without improving the security of our international trading systems." She cited a June 2006 study by RAND Corp. that concluded that 100-percent scanning would delay the movement of cargo containers by 5.5 hours per container.
C-TPAT doubts
Stepped-up container scanning is only one potential solution to the security problem, of course. In his congressional testimony, Flynn also proposed a second measure: tightening C-TPAT. Noting that Customs had only 80 inspectors to monitor compliance of some 5,800 C-TPAT certified companies, he urged Congress to require independent audits of the security plans developed by importers.
Flynn is hardly the only critic of C-TPAT. Some C-TPAT members themselves have reservations about the program. As part of the LBJ school study, researchers conducted a survey of National Industrial Transportation League members on the program (about 80 percent of the respondents were C-TPAT members). That survey revealed at least some disenchantment with the program. "[I]ndustry respondents believe that it is not operating efficiently," the report said. "In fact, most private-sector representatives feel that C-TPAT is an inadequately funded and managed program that requires costly, if not cost-prohibitive, security measures."
Those who responded to the survey acknowledged that they saw promise in the program for balancing security and trade growth. But they also criticized it for being highly bureaucratic. Further, the program was termed "virtually useless without foreign participation."
Despite all the disagreement over how to approach the problem, this, at least, is certain: security efforts will go forward. Leigh Boske, who headed the LBJ school study, was at pains to stress that in an interview. "It is too easy to begin with criticism and end with criticism," said Boske, who is associate dean and a professor of economics at the school. But those critical comments are just a small part of the picture. "That is not reflective of what foreign public officials or the private sector believe," he stated. "They believe in security."
Most of the apparel sold in North America is manufactured in Asia, meaning the finished goods travel long distances to reach end markets, with all the associated greenhouse gas emissions. On top of that, apparel manufacturing itself requires a significant amount of energy, water, and raw materials like cotton. Overall, the production of apparel is responsible for about 2% of the world’s total greenhouse gas emissions, according to a report titled
Taking Stock of Progress Against the Roadmap to Net Zeroby the Apparel Impact Institute. Founded in 2017, the Apparel Impact Institute is an organization dedicated to identifying, funding, and then scaling solutions aimed at reducing the carbon emissions and other environmental impacts of the apparel and textile industries.
The author of this annual study is researcher and consultant Michael Sadowski. He wrote the first report in 2021 as well as the latest edition, which was released earlier this year. Sadowski, who is also executive director of the environmental nonprofit
The Circulate Initiative, recently joined DC Velocity Group Editorial Director David Maloney on an episode of the “Logistics Matters” podcast to discuss the key findings of the research, what companies are doing to reduce emissions, and the progress they’ve made since the first report was issued.
A: While companies in the apparel industry can set their own sustainability targets, we realized there was a need to give them a blueprint for actually reducing emissions. And so, we produced the first report back in 2021, where we laid out the emissions from the sector, based on the best estimates [we could make using] data from various sources. It gives companies and the sector a blueprint for what we collectively need to do to drive toward the ambitious reduction [target] of staying within a 1.5 degrees Celsius pathway. That was the first report, and then we committed to refresh the analysis on an annual basis. The second report was published last year, and the third report came out in May of this year.
Q: What were some of the key findings of your research?
A: We found that about half of the emissions in the sector come from Tier Two, which is essentially textile production. That includes the knitting, weaving, dyeing, and finishing of fabric, which together account for over half of the total emissions. That was a really important finding, and it allows us to focus our attention on the interventions that can drive those emissions down.
Raw material production accounts for another quarter of emissions. That includes cotton farming, extracting gas and oil from the ground to make synthetics, and things like that. So we now have a really keen understanding of the source of our industry’s emissions.
Q: Your report mentions that the apparel industry is responsible for about 2% of global emissions. Is that an accurate statistic?
A: That’s our best estimate of the total emissions [generated by] the apparel sector. Some other reports on the industry have apparel at up to 8% of global emissions. And there is a commonly misquoted number in the media that it’s 10%. From my perspective, I think the best estimate is somewhere under 2%.
We know that globally, humankind needs to reduce emissions by roughly half by 2030 and reach net zero by 2050 to hit international goals. [Reaching that target will require the involvement of] every facet of the global economy and every aspect of the apparel sector—transportation, material production, manufacturing, cotton farming. Through our work and that of others, I think the apparel sector understands what has to happen. We have highlighted examples of how companies are taking action to reduce emissions in the roadmap reports.
Q: What are some of those actions the industry can take to reduce emissions?
A: I think one of the positive developments since we wrote the first report is that we’re seeing companies really focus on the most impactful areas. We see companies diving deep on thermal energy, for example. With respect to Tier Two, we [focus] a lot of attention on things like ocean freight versus air. There’s a rule of thumb I’ve heard that indicates air freight is about 10 times the cost [of ocean] and also produces 10 times more greenhouse gas emissions.
There is money available to invest in sustainability efforts. It’s really exciting to see the funding that’s coming through for AI [artificial intelligence] and to see that individual companies, such as H&M and Lululemon, are investing in real solutions in their supply chains. I think a lot of concrete actions are being taken.
And yet we know that reducing emissions by half on an absolute basis by 2030 is a monumental undertaking. So I don’t want to be overly optimistic, because I think we have a lot of work to do. But I do think we’ve got some amazing progress happening.
Q: You mentioned several companies that are starting to address their emissions. Is that a result of their being more aware of the emissions they generate? Have you seen progress made since the first report came out in 2021?
A: Yes. When we published the first roadmap back in 2021, our statistics showed that only about 12 companies had met the criteria [for setting] science-based targets. In 2024, the number of apparel, textile, and footwear companies that have set targets or have commitments to set targets is close to 500. It’s an enormous increase. I think they see the urgency more than other sectors do.
We have companies that have been working at sustainability for quite a long time. I think the apparel sector has developed a keen understanding of the impacts of climate change. You can see the impacts of flooding, drought, heat, and other things happening in places like Bangladesh and Pakistan and India. If you’re a brand or a manufacturer and you have operations and supply chains in these places, I think you understand what the future will look like if we don’t significantly reduce emissions.
Q: There are different categories of emission levels, depending on the role within the supply chain. Scope 1 are “direct” emissions under the reporting company’s control. For apparel, this might be the production of raw materials or the manufacturing of the finished product. Scope 2 covers “indirect” emissions from purchased energy, such as electricity used in these processes. Scope 3 emissions are harder to track, as they include emissions from supply chain partners both upstream and downstream.
Now companies are finding there are legislative efforts around the world that could soon require them to track and report on all these emissions, including emissions produced by their partners’ supply chains. Does this mean that companies now need to be more aware of not only what greenhouse gas emissions they produce, but also what their partners produce?
A: That’s right. Just to put this into context, if you’re a brand like an Adidas or a Gap, you still have to consider the Scope 3 emissions. In particular, there are the so-called “purchased goods and services,” which refers to all of the embedded emissions in your products, from farming cotton to knitting yarn to making fabric. Those “purchased goods and services” generally account for well above 80% of the total emissions associated with a product. It’s by far the most significant portion of your emissions.
Leading companies have begun measuring and taking action on Scope 3 emissions because of regulatory developments in Europe and, to some extent now, in California. I do think this is just a further tailwind for the work that the industry is doing.
I also think it will definitely ratchet up the quality requirements of Scope 3 data, which is not yet where we’d all like it to be. Companies are working to improve that data, but I think the regulatory push will make the quality side increasingly important.
Q: Overall, do you think the work being done by the Apparel Impact Institute will help reduce greenhouse gas emissions within the industry?
A: When we started this back in 2020, we were at a place where companies were setting targets and knew their intended destination, but what they needed was a blueprint for how to get there. And so, the roadmap [provided] this blueprint and identified six key things that the sector needed to do—from using more sustainable materials to deploying renewable electricity in the supply chain.
Decarbonizing any sector, whether it’s transportation, chemicals, or automotive, requires investment. The Apparel Impact Institute is bringing collective investment, which is so critical. I’m really optimistic about what they’re doing. They have taken a data-driven, evidence-based approach, so they know where the emissions are and they know what the needed interventions are. And they’ve got the industry behind them in doing that.
The global air cargo market’s hot summer of double-digit demand growth continued in August with average spot rates showing their largest year-on-year jump with a 24% increase, according to the latest weekly analysis by Xeneta.
Xeneta cited two reasons to explain the increase. First, Global average air cargo spot rates reached $2.68 per kg in August due to continuing supply and demand imbalance. That came as August's global cargo supply grew at its slowest ratio in 2024 to-date at 2% year-on-year, while global cargo demand continued its double-digit growth, rising +11%.
The second reason for higher rates was an ocean-to-air shift in freight volumes due to Red Sea disruptions and e-commerce demand.
Those factors could soon be amplified as e-commerce shows continued strong growth approaching the hotly anticipated winter peak season. E-commerce and low-value goods exports from China in the first seven months of 2024 increased 30% year-on-year, including shipments to Europe and the US rising 38% and 30% growth respectively, Xeneta said.
“Typically, air cargo market performance in August tends to follow the July trend. But another month of double-digit demand growth and the strongest rate growths of the year means there was definitely no summer slack season in 2024,” Niall van de Wouw, Xeneta’s chief airfreight officer, said in a release.
“Rates we saw bottoming out in late July started picking up again in mid-August. This is too short a period to call a season. This has been a busy summer, and now we’re at the threshold of Q4, it will be interesting to see what will happen and if all the anticipation of a red-hot peak season materializes,” van de Wouw said.
The report cites data showing that there are approximately 1.7 million workers missing from the post-pandemic workforce and that 38% of small firms are unable to fill open positions. At the same time, the “skills gap” in the workforce is accelerating as automation and AI create significant shifts in how work is performed.
That information comes from the “2024 Labor Day Report” released by Littler’s Workplace Policy Institute (WPI), the firm’s government relations and public policy arm.
“We continue to see a labor shortage and an urgent need to upskill the current workforce to adapt to the new world of work,” said Michael Lotito, Littler shareholder and co-chair of WPI. “As corporate executives and business leaders look to the future, they are focused on realizing the many benefits of AI to streamline operations and guide strategic decision-making, while cultivating a talent pipeline that can support this growth.”
But while the need is clear, solutions may be complicated by public policy changes such as the upcoming U.S. general election and the proliferation of employment-related legislation at the state and local levels amid Congressional gridlock.
“We are heading into a contentious election that has already proven to be unpredictable and is poised to create even more uncertainty for employers, no matter the outcome,” Shannon Meade, WPI’s executive director, said in a release. “At the same time, the growing patchwork of state and local requirements across the U.S. is exacerbating compliance challenges for companies. That, coupled with looming changes following several Supreme Court decisions that have the potential to upend rulemaking, gives C-suite executives much to contend with in planning their workforce-related strategies.”
Stax Engineering, the venture-backed startup that provides smokestack emissions reduction services for maritime ships, will service all vessels from Toyota Motor North America Inc. visiting the Toyota Berth at the Port of Long Beach, according to a new five-year deal announced today.
Beginning in 2025 to coincide with new California Air Resources Board (CARB) standards, STAX will become the first and only emissions control provider to service roll-on/roll-off (ro-ros) vessels in the state of California, the company said.
Stax has rapidly grown since its launch in the first quarter of this year, supported in part by a $40 million funding round from investors, announced in July. It now holds exclusive service agreements at California ports including Los Angeles, Long Beach, Hueneme, Benicia, Richmond, and Oakland. The firm has also partnered with individual companies like NYK Line, Hyundai GLOVIS, Equilon Enterprises LLC d/b/a Shell Oil Products US (Shell), and now Toyota.
Stax says it offers an alternative to shore power with land- and barge-based, mobile emissions capture and control technology for shipping terminal and fleet operators without the need for retrofits.
In the case of this latest deal, the Toyota Long Beach Vehicle Distribution Center imports about 200,000 vehicles each year on ro-ro vessels. Stax will keep those ships green with its flexible exhaust capture system, which attaches to all vessel classes without modification to remove 99% of emitted particulate matter (PM) and 95% of emitted oxides of nitrogen (NOx). Over the lifetime of this new agreement with Toyota, Stax estimated the service will account for approximately 3,700 hours and more than 47 tons of emissions controlled.
“We set out to provide an emissions capture and control solution that was reliable, easily accessible, and cost-effective. As we begin to service Toyota, we’re confident that we can meet the needs of the full breadth of the maritime industry, furthering our impact on the local air quality, public health, and environment,” Mike Walker, CEO of Stax, said in a release. “Continuing to establish strong partnerships will help build momentum for and trust in our technology as we expand beyond the state of California.”
That result showed that driver wages across the industry continue to increase post-pandemic, despite a challenging freight market for motor carriers. The data comes from ATA’s “Driver Compensation Study,” which asked 120 fleets, more than 150,000 employee drivers, and 14,000 independent contractors about their wage and benefit information.
Drilling into specific categories, linehaul less-than-truckload (LTL) drivers earned a median annual amount of $94,525 in 2023, while local LTL drivers earned a median of $80,680. The median annual compensation for drivers at private carriers has risen 12% since 2021, reaching $95,114 in 2023. And leased-on independent contractors for truckload carriers were paid an annual median amount of $186,016 in 2023.
The results also showed how the demographics of the industry are changing, as carriers offered smaller referral and fewer sign-on bonuses for new drivers in 2023 compared to 2021 but more frequently offered tenure bonuses to their current drivers and with a greater median value.
"While our last study, conducted in 2021, illustrated how drivers benefitted from the strongest freight environment in a generation, this latest report shows professional drivers' earnings are still rising—even in a weaker freight economy," ATA Chief Economist Bob Costello said in a release. "By offering greater tenure bonuses to their current driver force, many fleets appear to be shifting their workforce priorities from recruitment to retention."