The Defense Department is looking to outsource the management of its domestic freight?a contract that could run into the billions of dollars. The program is intended to cut costs and boost service; it could also shake up the industry.
Steve Geary is adjunct faculty at the University of Tennessee's Haaslam College of Business and is a lecturer at The Gordon Institute at Tufts University. He is the President of the Supply Chain Visions family of companies, consultancies that work across the government sector. Steve is a contributing editor at DC Velocity, and editor-at-large for CSCMP's Supply Chain Quarterly.
Perhaps it's no surprise that the people who brought us stealth technology have launched an all-out war on freight spending and nobody seems to have noticed. And the Department of Defense (DOD) surely is thinking big. In August of this year, DOD began reviewing proposals submitted under its Defense Transportation Coordination Initiative (DTCI) a program through which it will outsource the management of all DOD freight moving commercially in the continental United States.
The goal of DTCI is to improve the speed, predictability and reliability of transportation while simultaneously reducing costs by as much as 20 percent. The rest of us call it third-party logistics (3PL), but hey, this is the government, which rarely misses an opportunity to make up its own acronym.
Now, DTCI is no secret ... the DOD has been working the circuit since early 2004, talking the vision and addressing concerns. It has even created a public Web site devoted to the initiative. But outside of the defense world, it hasn't generated much buzz, and it should.
We're talking billions of dollars in freight over the life of the contract. That's not a typo. Billions of freight dollars. And when you start shifting that kind of money around in a market, changes happen. Not just for the players involved, but for everybody playing in the sandbox.
Looking for leverage
If the DOD is thinking big, it's because the opportunity is big. Today, DOD's freight movement system is decentralized. No central traffic management office exists. Freight costs and freight movement are managed at the local or command level, leaving a wide-open opportunity to improve service and reduce costs through proven techniques like pooling, backhaul management and mode optimization. Policy comes down from on high, but management and execution is left in the hands of the individual services, agencies and suppliers.
Currently, DOD shippers in the continental United States initiate freight movements using commercial freight transportation providers to myriad U.S. destinations, creating thousands of origindestination pairs. Multiple information systems are employed to execute and manage shipment activity. There is no centralized planning, coordination or control.
Individual DOD shippers act unilaterally, independently selecting transportation mode, level of service, and transportation provider. There is limited collaborative visibility or coordination of movement requirements and therefore, there are limited opportunities to implement commercial "best practices" such as cross-docking and consolidation or using alternative modes of transportation to meet customer requirements. By implementing DTCI, DOD hopes to change all that and in the process, cut costs, improve service and gain better visibility of overall traffic patterns and performance across the department's supply chain.
A not-so-modest proposal
To test the plan's feasibility, the DOD in 2001 collaborated with 3PL EGL Eagle Global Logistics on a pilot
project in which it outsourced the management of its freight across the southeastern United States. Encouraged by the results of the pilot, the DOD then hired GENCO, a well-known 3PL, and the non-profit firm LMI Government Consulting to put together a report on the potential benefits of outsourcing. Conservatively, the study estimated savings of 10 to 13 percent, while noting that actual savings could be higher. And, based on pooling opportunities, the study forecast improvements in both service and cycle time.
Once persuaded of outsourcing's feasibility, the DOD moved quickly. On June 22, 2006, the U.S. Transportation Command (USTRANSCOM) issued a Request for Proposal ith an August deadline. The DOD's plan is to award a ong-term contract to a world-class transportation coordinator, and through this relationship employ best commercial practices to achieve the goal of improved performance at lower total cost." It goes on to say, "The coordinator will leverage current commercial capabilities and proven best transportation practices of commercial shippers to manage, consolidate, cross-dock and optimize specified [domestic] freight movements using contractor-chosen modes among DOD shippers."
In all, the main body of the request for proposal ran to 168 pages, excluding supporting data, exhibits and appendices. One bidder reports that its team's proposal weighed 75 pounds. Although tempting, it would be unfair to suggest that the size is driven by the bureaucracy; the military logistics environment, even in the United States, is very complex with some unique requirements.
The successful bidder can expect a very large piece of business. According to Earl Boyanton, assistant deputy under secretary of defense for transportation policy, the DOD spends more than $700 million annually on freight shipments. Of this, once DTCI is fully implemented, DOD anticipates that about one-third, or $250 million, will be actively managed by the coordinator, with freight rates subjected to the competitive pressure of the open market.
Nothing's ever easy
According to the published timeline, the award of the DTCI contract should take place before the end of calendar year 2006, with implementation (which will take place in phases) to begin early in 2007. But any government decision has political implications, and a decision of this magnitude inevitably draws attention from Congress. Recently, Congress directed the Comptroller General to conduct a study of the DTCI and to submit a report no later than Feb. 1, 2007.
Special interest groups have not been idle, either. The American Trucking Associations, for example, continues to oppose key elements of the initiative. As currently described, DTCI will empower and hold accountable the 3PL to negotiate freight rates, using incentive plans as a lever and the power of competition to drive down freight costs. ATA advocates leaving rate negotiation in the hands of the government. And, while DTCI is built to establish a business relationship directly between the 3PL and the carriers, taking the government out of the picture, ATA prefers to maintain government involvement as the ultimate decision-making authority in dispute resolution.
While the taxpayer would still benefit if the ATA succeeded in limiting the initiative's scope, many intimate with DTCI say the program's full power and benefits will be unleashed only if the 3PL is given sufficient authority to execute against the program's objectives. Let's hope the essence of DTCI survives congressional review and lobbying activities.
Delays can also be expected by the award process itself. Competitive award of federal contracts includes "protest" provisions. If anybody files a protest, alleging violation of law or some other action that runs counter to the spirit of free and open competition, the contract may not be legally awarded until the protest is reviewed, objectively considered and a decision is issued. Given the size of the contract, a protest is likely.
Between congressional interest, special interest group lobbying, and the inevitable protests, final award may not take place until the middle of 2007.
On the offense
The military environment in the 21st century is very different from the conflicts for which the U.S. military has been trained, equipped, structured and organized over the past 50 years. During the Cold War, national security processes and policies were designed with a capability set meant to defeat large, powerful nation states with massive armies and weapons systems. Then, threats moved slowly and predictably, which allowed for static distribution network designs.
Today, the adversary is more likely to be a shadowy multinational terrorist network than a foreign government. And so, the push is on to create a nimble, hightech fighting force, supported by an equally nimble, high-tech supply operation.
However, this journey to improved combat capability must be tempered by the need to deliver against the requirements in a cost-effective fashion; DOD does not live in a world of limitless resources.
To meet this challenge, the DOD is trying to leverage contemporary best practices, the power of the commercial sector, and the latest advances in information technology. DTCI is just one part of that deliberate strategy to restructure and rationalize supply chain management capability in response to current and projected threat environments. Or, as Under Secretary of Defense (Acquisition, Technology, and Logistics) Ken Krieg likes to puts it, "the DOD is pursuing a number of strategic supply chain initiatives to truly make our supply chain an offensive weapon."
Another part of that strategy is the 2005 Base Realignment and Closure (BRAC) initiative, finalized earlier this year. Under BRAC, the DOD will shut down 25 major sites and realign 24 others over the next six years. And to create a more flexible and reliable distribution network, it will increase the Defense Logistics Agency's regional distribution hubs from two to four, and shift local stock back toward the regional hubs.
A third example is at the local level, called Joint Regional Inventory and Material Management (JRIMM). It is a DOD-sponsored program designed to streamline and regionalize material handling. Drawing on lean thinking, the program seeks to minimize physical touches of material, streamline the materials management process and minimize inventory layers. Rather than maintaining functional capability at multiple locations within a command or region, JRIMM will draw common operations together and provide distribution excellence as a shared capability.
The opportunity
The award of DTCI, the execution of BRAC and the extension of JRIMM will create very real business opportunities for private sector companies across America. As the management of DOD's freight moves into the private sector and as the department seeks to rationalize its physical network, opportunities will emerge to compete to provide any number of services under the DTCI umbrella, without the complexity, cost and political challenges normally associated with government work. Hundreds of millions of dollars of freight movements and associated distribution activities will move into the open market.
Of course, we should not overlook the potential implication of extensions of DTCI into the international arena. Already, USTRANSCOM is acknowledging the possibility of expanding DTCI, once rollout across the United States is complete. The Department of Defense is one of the largest generators of shipments from the United States to international locations, so there will be downstream multimodal opportunities as well.
President Bush has said, "The real goal is to move beyond marginal improvements to replace existing programs with new technologies and strategies ... to use this window of opportunity to skip a generation ...." DTCI is an attempt to tame a very large problem and deliver near-term benefit to both the warfighter at the tip of the spear and the taxpayer funding our national defense.
Congestion on U.S. highways is costing the trucking industry big, according to research from the American Transportation Research Institute (ATRI), released today.
The group found that traffic congestion on U.S. highways added $108.8 billion in costs to the trucking industry in 2022, a record high. The information comes from ATRI’s Cost of Congestion study, which is part of the organization’s ongoing highway performance measurement research.
Total hours of congestion fell slightly compared to 2021 due to softening freight market conditions, but the cost of operating a truck increased at a much higher rate, according to the research. As a result, the overall cost of congestion increased by 15% year-over-year—a level equivalent to more than 430,000 commercial truck drivers sitting idle for one work year and an average cost of $7,588 for every registered combination truck.
The analysis also identified metropolitan delays and related impacts, showing that the top 10 most-congested states each experienced added costs of more than $8 billion. That list was led by Texas, at $9.17 billion in added costs; California, at $8.77 billion; and Florida, $8.44 billion. Rounding out the top 10 list were New York, Georgia, New Jersey, Illinois, Pennsylvania, Louisiana, and Tennessee. Combined, the top 10 states account for more than half of the trucking industry’s congestion costs nationwide—52%, according to the research.
The metro areas with the highest congestion costs include New York City, $6.68 billion; Miami, $3.2 billion; and Chicago, $3.14 billion.
ATRI’s analysis also found that the trucking industry wasted more than 6.4 billion gallons of diesel fuel in 2022 due to congestion, resulting in additional fuel costs of $32.1 billion.
ATRI used a combination of data sources, including its truck GPS database and Operational Costs study benchmarks, to calculate the impacts of trucking delays on major U.S. roadways.
There’s a photo from 1971 that John Kent, professor of supply chain management at the University of Arkansas, likes to show. It’s of a shaggy-haired 18-year-old named Glenn Cowan grinning at three-time world table tennis champion Zhuang Zedong, while holding a silk tapestry Zhuang had just given him. Cowan was a member of the U.S. table tennis team who participated in the 1971 World Table Tennis Championships in Nagoya, Japan. Story has it that one morning, he overslept and missed his bus to the tournament and had to hitch a ride with the Chinese national team and met and connected with Zhuang.
Cowan and Zhuang’s interaction led to an invitation for the U.S. team to visit China. At the time, the two countries were just beginning to emerge from a 20-year period of decidedly frosty relations, strict travel bans, and trade restrictions. The highly publicized trip signaled a willingness on both sides to renew relations and launched the term “pingpong diplomacy.”
Kent, who is a senior fellow at the George H. W. Bush Foundation for U.S.-China Relations, believes the photograph is a good reminder that some 50-odd years ago, the economies of the United States and China were not as tightly interwoven as they are today. At the time, the Nixon administration was looking to form closer political and economic ties between the two countries in hopes of reducing chances of future conflict (and to weaken alliances among Communist countries).
The signals coming out of Washington and Beijing are now, of course, much different than they were in the early 1970s. Instead of advocating for better relations, political rhetoric focuses on the need for the U.S. to “decouple” from China. Both Republicans and Democrats have warned that the U.S. economy is too dependent on goods manufactured in China. They see this dependency as a threat to economic strength, American jobs, supply chain resiliency, and national security.
Supply chain professionals, however, know that extricating ourselves from our reliance on Chinese manufacturing is easier said than done. Many pundits push for a “China + 1” strategy, where companies diversify their manufacturing and sourcing options beyond China. But in reality, that “plus one” is often a Chinese company operating in a different country or a non-Chinese manufacturer that is still heavily dependent on material or subcomponents made in China.
This is the problem when supply chain decisions are made on a global scale without input from supply chain professionals. In an article in the Arkansas Democrat-Gazette, Kent argues that, “The discussions on supply chains mainly take place between government officials who typically bring many other competing issues and agendas to the table. Corporate entities—the individuals and companies directly impacted by supply chains—tend to be under-represented in the conversation.”
Kent is a proponent of what he calls “supply chain diplomacy,” where experts from academia and industry from the U.S. and China work collaboratively to create better, more efficient global supply chains. Take, for example, the “Peace Beans” project that Kent is involved with. This project, jointly formed by Zhejiang University and the Bush China Foundation, proposes balancing supply chains by exporting soybeans from Arkansas to tofu producers in China’s Yunnan province, and, in return, importing coffee beans grown in Yunnan to coffee roasters in Arkansas. Kent believes the operation could even use the same transportation equipment.
The benefits of working collaboratively—instead of continuing to build friction in the supply chain through tariffs and adversarial relationships—are numerous, according to Kent and his colleagues. They believe it would be much better if the two major world economies worked together on issues like global inflation, climate change, and artificial intelligence.
And such relations could play a significant role in strengthening world peace, particularly in light of ongoing tensions over Taiwan. Because, as Kent writes, “The 19th-century idea that ‘When goods don’t cross borders, soldiers will’ is as true today as ever. Perhaps more so.”
Hyster-Yale Materials Handling today announced its plans to fulfill the domestic manufacturing requirements of the Build America, Buy America (BABA) Act for certain portions of its lineup of forklift trucks and container handling equipment.
That means the Greenville, North Carolina-based company now plans to expand its existing American manufacturing with a targeted set of high-capacity models, including electric options, that align with the needs of infrastructure projects subject to BABA requirements. The company’s plans include determining the optimal production location in the United States, strategically expanding sourcing agreements to meet local material requirements, and further developing electric power options for high-capacity equipment.
As a part of the 2021 Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act, the BABA Act aims to increase the use of American-made materials in federally funded infrastructure projects across the U.S., Hyster-Yale says. It was enacted as part of a broader effort to boost domestic manufacturing and economic growth, and mandates that federal dollars allocated to infrastructure – such as roads, bridges, ports and public transit systems – must prioritize materials produced in the USA, including critical items like steel, iron and various construction materials.
Hyster-Yale’s footprint in the U.S. is spread across 10 locations, including three manufacturing facilities.
“Our leadership is fully invested in meeting the needs of businesses that require BABA-compliant material handling solutions,” Tony Salgado, Hyster-Yale’s chief operating officer, said in a release. “We are working to partner with our key domestic suppliers, as well as identifying how best to leverage our own American manufacturing footprint to deliver a competitive solution for our customers and stakeholders. But beyond mere compliance, and in line with the many areas of our business where we are evolving to better support our customers, our commitment remains steadfast. We are dedicated to delivering industry-leading standards in design, durability and performance — qualities that have become synonymous with our brands worldwide and that our customers have come to rely on and expect.”
In a separate move, the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) also gave its approval for the state to advance its Heavy-Duty Omnibus Rule, which is crafted to significantly reduce smog-forming nitrogen oxide (NOx) emissions from new heavy-duty, diesel-powered trucks.
Both rules are intended to deliver health benefits to California citizens affected by vehicle pollution, according to the environmental group Earthjustice. If the state gets federal approval for the final steps to become law, the rules mean that cars on the road in California will largely be zero-emissions a generation from now in the 2050s, accounting for the average vehicle lifespan of vehicles with internal combustion engine (ICE) power sold before that 2035 date.
“This might read like checking a bureaucratic box, but EPA’s approval is a critical step forward in protecting our lungs from pollution and our wallets from the expenses of combustion fuels,” Paul Cort, director of Earthjustice’s Right To Zero campaign, said in a release. “The gradual shift in car sales to zero-emissions models will cut smog and household costs while growing California’s clean energy workforce. Cutting truck pollution will help clear our skies of smog. EPA should now approve the remaining authorization requests from California to allow the state to clean its air and protect its residents.”
However, the truck drivers' industry group Owner-Operator Independent Drivers Association (OOIDA) pushed back against the federal decision allowing the Omnibus Low-NOx rule to advance. "The Omnibus Low-NOx waiver for California calls into question the policymaking process under the Biden administration's EPA. Purposefully injecting uncertainty into a $588 billion American industry is bad for our economy and makes no meaningful progress towards purported environmental goals," (OOIDA) President Todd Spencer said in a release. "EPA's credibility outside of radical environmental circles would have been better served by working with regulated industries rather than ramming through last-minute special interest favors. We look forward to working with the Trump administration's EPA in good faith towards achievable environmental outcomes.”
Editor's note:This article was revised on December 18 to add reaction from OOIDA.
Global trade will see a moderate rebound in 2025, likely growing by 3.6% in volume terms, helped by companies restocking and households renewing purchases of durable goods while reducing spending on services, according to a forecast from trade credit insurer Allianz Trade.
The end of the year for 2024 will also likely be supported by companies rushing to ship goods in anticipation of the higher tariffs likely to be imposed by the coming Trump administration, and other potential disruptions in the coming quarters, the report said.
However, that tailwind for global trade will likely shift to a headwind once the effects of a renewed but contained trade war are felt from the second half of 2025 and in full in 2026. As a result, Allianz Trade has throttled back its predictions, saying that global trade in volume will grow by 2.8% in 2025 (reduced by 0.2 percentage points vs. its previous forecast) and 2.3% in 2026 (reduced by 0.5 percentage points).
The same logic applies to Allianz Trade’s forecast for export prices in U.S. dollars, which the firm has now revised downward to predict growth reaching 2.3% in 2025 (reduced by 1.7 percentage points) and 4.1% in 2026 (reduced by 0.8 percentage points).
In the meantime, the rush to frontload imports into the U.S. is giving freight carriers an early Christmas present. According to Allianz Trade, data released last week showed Chinese exports rising by a robust 6.7% y/y in November. And imports of some consumer goods that have been threatened with a likely 25% tariff under the new Trump administration have outperformed even more, growing by nearly 20% y/y on average between July and September.